SPECIAL MEDIA REACTION - COMMENTARY ON CHOICE OF PRIME

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 RABAT 001523 SIPDIS SIPDIS SECSTATE FOR NEA/PPD, NEA/MAG, IIP/G/NEA/SA LONDON FOR MOC DUBAI FOR PELLETIER E.0.12958: N/A TAGS: KPAO SCUL OIIP KIRC PHUM KMPI MO SUBJECT: SPECIAL MEDIA REACTION - COMMENTARY ON CHOICE OF PRIME MINISTER ¶1. (U) The Moroccan print press has commented extensively on King Mohamed VI's September 19 decision to appoint Istiqlal Party Secretary General Abbas El Fassi as the new prime minister. Most of SIPDIS the press, including the partisan, pro-Palace, and more conservative independent press, offered strong support for the "democratic logic" of choosing the head of the party that won the largest bloc of seats in parliament. Many newspapers offered this support while noting that El Fassi has never completely overcome the taint of involvement in a scandal (the Annajat affair) dating back to an earlier tenure as employment minister. Several newspapers opined that the King's decision contributed to moving Morocco towards a true constitutional monarchy, in which the King's decision to appoint the head of the leading party as prime minister would become purely mechanical. Many newspapers made no effort to hide the impression that many Moroccans had hoped for a prime minister from among the Istiqlal young guard. ¶2. (U) A minority of fiercely independent newspapers, known for their opposition to the government, have strongly criticized the decision, in spite of its "democratic logic." Al-Massae, the largest circulation daily newspaper in Morocco with a growing reputation for populism, harshly attacked El Fassi for his refusal to acknowledge responsibility in the Annajat affair. Independent French-language weeklies "Tel Quel" and "Le Journal" focused more on El Fassi's thin record of achievement and weak past performance (despite a long career of public service),his status as a consummate representative of the "old guard," and his unpopularity. Both weeklies also criticized what they perceive to be his excessive deference to the King, citing past statements that he has no intention to pursue policies independent from those of the king. These weeklies worry that - at precisely the time that Morocco's ministers and parliament should be exerting greater independence in the interest of promoting democracy - El Fassi will make no effort to pursue an agenda independent from that of the palace. They view this as undermining long-term prospects for democracy in Morocco. ¶3. (U) Selected Block Quotes: ¶A. "The King's Wager," editorial by director Ahmed Benchemsi in independent French-language weekly "Tel Quel" on 9/22-28: The choice of the Secretary General of Istiqlal is not illegitimate, because he is the chief of the party that arrived at the head of the legislative elections. In theory, his journey has been more than honorable: lawyer by profession, four times a minister, twice ambassador . . . for those that do not know him, Mr. El Fassi seems to be an acceptable head of government. But those that know him found it necessary, this Wednesday of Ramadan, to break the fast with a tablet of aspirin. There is first of all the Annajat debacle, which will continue to dog him all his life, Prime Minister or not. . . . Today he still refuses to admit responsibility in a scandal that created tens of thousands of victims. Pressed to explain this, as well as multiple internal tensions the party was facing, he, during a national council in 2002 . . . broke down in sobs in front of 800 people! In order to compose himself, several senior party members had to hug him and console him!! [As a result of this] he was judged incapable of directing a serious ministry by Jettou, who offered him, in 2002, the post of "Minister of State without Portfolio." An exclusively protocolary function that satisfied him for five years, without coming out with a single good idea worth reporting. . . . The political vision of Abbas El Fassi has always been summarized by this sole credo: "I support His Majesty the King, whatever he decides." . . . Given the nature of the Moroccan regime, the prime minister must first and foremost work hand in hand with the monarchy. But to deprive oneself of any margin of error, to renounce straight off the least autonomy of decision[-making], to abandon any hope of moving, even vaguely, towards a democratic re-alignment of powers. . . yes, the logic that led Abbas El Fassi to the prime ministry is a victory for democracy. But it is at the same time its worst defeat. The Moroccan political system has just engendered its ultimate paradox. . . .as for the sensitive files (Sahara, security, Islamism, civil liberties . . . ),who will manage them with [former Interior Minister Deputy Fouad Ali] El Himma gone? The Prime Minister? This Prime Minister? This is a bad joke, which does not make us feel like laughing. [For Mohamed VI,] this was a very big, very risky bet that he was not obliged to RABAT 00001523 002 OF 003 make. But he is the king, he is sovereign, and he has made his choice. It remains for the rest of us to cross our fingers, in trying to calm our anxieties . . . ¶B. "First Pawn of His Majesty," commentary by Karim Bouhkari and Driss Benanni in "Tel Quel" on 9/22-28: The nomination of Abbas is not a scandal because it follows democratic logic. . . . if for the independent press, as for a part of the political class (who will surely not dare to say so),this nomination is an enormous disappointment, it is first and foremost because Abbas does not represent the values of progress, of work and of modernity. He who was installed on the throne of Istiqlal, for nearly ten years, has always been the prototype of the "submissive," incapable of moving a little finger without the green light of [the King]. What's worse, his submissiveness appears to be the key to his ascension, and nothing in his journey proves otherwise. To sell to Moroccans this [equation] (submission=success) is a very bad advertisement for a country that aspires to more. ¶C. "Despairing," editorial by Ali Ammar, director of independent French-language weekly "Le Journal" on 9/22-28: Everyone is in agreement in saying, with sometimes a bit of cynicism, that this is the democratic logic. Now, when a rupture was necessary, the abstentionism being the most important message, the king decided to leave well enough alone to the point of nominating a man of the past, without recognized competencies. He chose the least unifying, the least charismatic, the least popular, as a result notably of the debacle that dogs him, the Annajat scandal remaining in all our memories. . . .[He is] the archetype of the politician that the silent masses dread so much, as a result of which they turned away from the ballot boxes. Is this therefore democracy? All this only to arrive here? . . . The image projected by Abbas El Fassi is unanimously perceived as contradictory with that of an empathetic monarchy. It is one of a dogmatic past, of gamy [i.e. corrupt] institutions, perfected by a despotic regime, certainly not by a Morocco in transition. How will this improbable team be able to lead us towards the modernity that we need so desperately? ¶D. "Right to the end," editorial in business-oriented French-language weekly "La Vie Economique" on 9/21-27: For the first time in the history of modern Morocco, democratic logic will have prevailed right to the end. A method of voting chosen by the parties themselves, an electoral apportionment validated by the majority, elections . . . in whose unfolding the State remained neutral, and a Prime Minister nominated from the party ranked at the top, according to the will of the people, or at least the voters. Those who skipped the vote can only take it out on themselves. . . . There remains THE question that everyone is posing: has this democratic logic that everyone wished for served and strengthened the interests of the nation? As backers of the press, we will defend [our right] to judge the qualities of Mr. El Fassi as Prime Minister. We will note down that the number of people [who were] disappointed at the announcement was not negligible, which tends to support the hypothesis that if Istiqlal won so many seats, it was principally thanks to the image conveyed by its young ministers. We voted for Istiqlal thinking about Hejira, Ghellab, Douiri and Baddou, while Abbas El Fassi was only elected with a very slight margin over his competitor. But we forgot that - democratic practices require it - it is the head of the victorious party that inherits the highest ministerial post. Do we want democracy? There it is, in its most successfully completed expression. It is for the people to take responsibility for their choice and for Mr. El Fassi to prove that he is worthy of the confidence placed in him. ¶E. "Democratic normality," commentary by Omar Dahbi in independent French-language daily "Aujourd'hui le Maroc" on 9/21: If it was predictable that the PM would be nominated from within the party that obtained the largest number of seats in Parliament, the fact of choosing the head of the party was not as obvious. With this choice, HM the King has not only established democratic normality, but also has installed, with the nomination of Abbas El Fassi, a new practice in the young Moroccan democracy. To nominate the head of the party that arrived on top in the elections and to charge him RABAT 00001523 003 OF 003 with forming a coalition government means that the choice of the voter was totally respected. Voting for a party will mean, from now on, making one's choice about the party and the person that will direct the future government. And, if Article 24 of the Constitution makes the choice of PM a prerogative of sovereignty, HM the King has just installed a new tradition that will certainly take root among Morocco's political customs. ¶F. "Little good morning," front page commentary by Khalil Hachimi Idrissi, director of "Aujourd'hui le Maroc" on 9/21: . . . The process leading to this nomination [of the Prime Minister] has become strictly technical. His Majesty the King has given to Moroccan political parties the means to construct by themselves, seriously, their future and the future of the country. In this experimental situation, it is up to Abbas El Fassi and to Istiqlal to inaugurate this new formula. For them, certainly, another historic rendezvous with the country. Good luck. ¶G. "Prime Minister," front page editorial by Abdelmouneim Dilami, director of independent business-oriented daily "L'Economiste" on 9/21: Abbas El Fassi as Prime Minister: the choice at the polls has been strictly respected. . . . The big winner in this whole affair is Morocco itself and its citizens, the voters and the non-voters. Democracy has functioned freely, without a quake. Quite the contrary. Democracy confirmed the strategic choices already made. Riley