NIGER: PARLIAMENT PLAYS WITH PM CENSURE MOTION

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 02 NIAMEY 000737 SIPDIS SENSITIVE SIPDIS DEPT. FOR AF/W; PARIS FOR AFRICA WATCHER E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: PGOV KDEM KCOR NG SUBJECT: NIGER: PARLIAMENT PLAYS WITH PM CENSURE MOTION REF: 06 NIAMEY 847 -------------- SUMMARY -------------- ¶1. (U) On Saturday the 26th, the opposition in Niger's National Assembly raised a censure motion against the coalition government of Prime Minister (PM) Hama Amadou, alleging negligence in its management of the investigation of a public school funds scandal rumored to implicate the PM (reftel). A vote of censure is equivalent to a vote of no-confidence and would force the resignation of the PM and all GON ministers if passed. While this is the fourth time since 2000 that the opposition has moved a no-confidence motion, this one seems to be serious. Interestingly, both the President of Niger and the President of the National Assembly were out of the country on previously scheduled travel when the opposition made its current move. Neither has returned as of this writing. Ruling MNSD party deputies tried a series of delaying tactics during debate on May 28, suggesting a need for breathing space for vote counting and strategizing. The absence of National Assembly President Mahamane Ousmane (in Nigeria for an ECOWAS parliamentarians, meeting) left procedures in the hands of the National Assembly's First Vice President, MNSD Deputy Issaka Hassan Djegoule, whose obvious partisanship added another layer of theatricality to the day's drama. While initially scheduled to re-open at 10h00 on May 29, debate has yet to re-open. While parliamentary maneuvering has not yet saved the day for PM Amadou, political calculus might. The ruling coalition's member parties may not be willing to take a step that would endanger the ministerial berths they now control. END SUMMARY -------------- DELAYING TACTICS SUGGEST MNSD DISQUIETUDE -------------- ¶2. (U) On May 26, thirteen opposition Deputies offered a written motion of censure against the government. (Ten percent of the 113 member chamber's deputies must endorse a motion to get it on the calendar.) The motion was received and debate was officially scheduled for May 28. The PM's party, MNSD, began a series of parliamentary maneuvers on May 28, designed to derail debate on the motion. First, MNSD Deputies questioned the admissibility of the motion. Also, MNSD Deputy and acting National Assembly President (speaker) Issaka Hassan Djegoule asserted the right to seek legal counsel on the matter, and asked GON Minister of Justice and renowned Hama Amadou loyalist Maty Elhadj Moussa to take the podium and render a judgment. The obvious partisanship seems to have offended everyone. Amidst calls of "anyone but Maty" from opposition and ruling coalition Deputies alike, PM Amadou called his friend back down. The advice of the Assembly's own non-partisan parliamentarians was then sought, as it would be throughout the day. The Assembly Secretary General (SG) and Director of Legislation ruled that the motion had been properly moved and debate properly scheduled. Debate could go forward. ¶3. (U) MNSD members next asked if Deputies who serve as judges on the High Court of Justice (a National Assembly court that is responsible for investigating charges against ministers and Deputies and is currently investigating the school funding scandal) could take part in the debate. Parliamentarians ruled that they could. Twenty-seven MNSD Deputies then stated that they had no confidence in the parliamentarians' rulings and sought the advice of the Constitutional Court. They also requested a ruling suspending proceedings until the Constitutional Court was able to advise. Parliamentarians ruled that a request for advice rather than a ruling did not constitute grounds for a suspension and had no impact on the debate or motion. The MNSD Deputies then moved to discuss only preliminary questions, not the motion itself; again, the parliamentarians ruled that the motion had been properly submitted and must be debated and voted upon. In each case, the opposition cited and the parliamentarians agreed with Article 119 of the National Assembly by-laws. After employing this succession of delaying tactics, the MNSD's moved to new ground -- that it is not legal or appropriate for the National Assembly to debate a case already before the courts. It is expected that the opposition will counter that the debate is on the management of the case, not the case itself, and that the MNSD majority debated an army mutiny case several years ago even while that trial was ongoing (setting a precedent). The Assembly adjourned at 2030 on Monday, with a re-opening scheduled for 1000 today. As of this writing the Assembly had NIAMEY 00000737 002 OF 002 not re-convened. -------------- READY, AND JUST WAITING FOR THE VOTES? -------------- ¶4. (U) PM Amadou took the floor on Monday, despite opposition attempts to rule his address to the Deputies out of order. Hama spoke for five minutes, long enough to denounce the opposition, challenge them to bring evidence of his implication in the school funding scandal, and state the he would resign were such evidence provided. The PM's bravado may be a feint. Or, it may reflect confidence born of judicious vote counting. -------------- COMMENT: NO HONOR, BUT SOME FEAR AMONG POL PARTY CHIEFS...HOW HAMA CAN STAY -------------- ¶5. (SBU) It is interesting that the opposition moved this censure motion at a time when both Niger President Mamadou Tandja and National Assembly President Mahamane Ousmane were out of the country on previously scheduled travel (the former to preside over the Lake Chad Basin Commission meeting in Abuja). Pol FSN heard from some contacts that this time, a significant number of coalition deputies (including a few from the MNSD itself) might vote for a censure motion. If so, the, PM could fall. Failing that, the defection of a number of MNSD Deputies would suggest a lack of party unity heading into 2009 elections. Tensions within the party over PM Amadou's Djerma ethnicity and anxiety over his leadership style and allegations of corruption against him and some of his ministers may all play a role. (Note: Niger's Djerma minority ruled the country for thirty years post independence, but President Tandja is from another group. End note.) Leaders of the majority coalition's other member parties -- particularly CDS leader and National Assembly President Mahamane Ousmane -- love to gripe about PM Amadou's leadership. The press is rife with talk of a "secret deal" between President Tandja and one or more of the coalition members to shift the Premiership between party chiefs. ¶6. (SBU) Perhaps this time such a combination of factors will suffice to topple PM Amadou. However, the PM is one of Niger's most durable politicians, and may be able to exert enough pressure on other coalition members to thwart the opposition yet again. Most of the MNSD's coalition partners are small parties. With the exception of CDS (22 seats),none is guaranteed as advantageous a position after a ministerial re-shuffle. Each coalition member has a share of ministerial berths. Each coalition party president has a nice sinecure. How ever much these ambitious men (including two former PMs and one former President) relish Hama's seat, each knows that when the music stops, he could be the one without a chair. ALLEN