PERU'S SEASON OF PROTEST

UNCLAS LIMA 002319 SIPDIS SENSITIVE SIPDIS E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: EMIN ELAB EINV ENRG PGOV ECON PE SUBJECT: PERU'S SEASON OF PROTEST ¶1. (U) Comment: Widespread protests across different regions of Peru have led some political observers -- like Peru Nationalist Party President Ollanta Humala -- to suggest the GOP may be losing control in the countryside (see septel), and President Garcia has made several public appeals for calm. A closer look at the unrest, however, shows that the protests represent localized reactions to specific grievances. For its part, the GOP has shown itself capable of resolving many localized protests before they can coalesce into broader national discontent. Analysts are still searching for an explanation for why so many protests have broken out in such a short time, but for now the GOP appears more than capable of meeting the demands of Peru's winter of discontent. End Comment. -------------- Protests Everywhere -------------- ¶2. (U) Sixteen of Peru's 24 departments are experiencing some form of strike or demonstration, and the office of the Ombudsman says that there were 35 active social conflicts in June, a sharp increase from May, when only five conflicts were reported. Regional presidents of Puno, Ancash, and Ucayali have lead marches, the national teacher's union has declared an indefinite strike, and on-again, off-again cocalero protests have continued for more than one month in the provinces of Cusco, San Martin, and Huanuco. At the Casaplaca mines, 92 kilometers east of Lima, five persons have died in the past two weeks after a strike against the company turned violent. In Ucayali, a jungle region on the border with Brazil, the regional government declared a state of emergency after protesters blocked all forms of transportation into the city of Pucallpa. Additional demonstrations have broken out in other parts of Peru to demand, among other things, stronger environmental protections, the construction of an inter-oceanic highway, and the removal of local mayors. -------------- The Hard Hand and the Soft Hand -------------- ¶3. (U) The GOB has taken different approaches to the protests, sometimes surprising demonstrators by supporting their demands. At the Casaplaca mines, for example, Minister of Labor Susan Pinilla joined with strikers to demand the company rehire more than 100 workers fired for trying to organize a union. President Garcia and Prime Minister Castillo also publicly supported the miners. Pinilla said that if an investigation revealed workers had been fired unjustly, she would fine the company 69,000 soles (approximately 23,000 dollars) and would seek to revoke the company's mining license. Although the strike against Casaplaca continues, Pinilla's response has lowered tensions. ¶4. (U) In Ucayali, residents blocked roads for four days to protest the central government's plans to eliminate tax exemptions for the Amazon regions. In response, Minister of Commerce and Trade Mercedes Araoz visited the province July 4 and opened talks with regional authorities. Araoz agreed to postpone the elimination of tax exemptions until governmental infrastructure projects are completed. The road blockages have lifted. ¶5. (U) The teacher's union and the cocaleros have not fared as well. SUTEP, the teacher's union, declared an indefinite strike on June 18 to protest low salaries and the government's plans for mandatory teacher testing. The GOP refused to negotiate with SUTEP, declared the strike illegal, and threatened to fire any teachers who took part in the strike. Press reports estimated that less than 15 per cent of teachers joined the protests nationwide, and rumors surfaced that SUTEP president Luis Munoz would be forced out by teachers unhappy with the union's growing unpopularity. ¶6. (U) The government also took a hard line against cocaleros emboldened by concessions made by former Agriculture Minister Jose Salazar. Garcia fired Salazar May 22 after the minister entered into unauthorized talks with cocalero leaders. The new agriculture minister, Ismael Benavides, vowed that coca cultivation would not dominate the ministry of agriculture's agenda. Garcia also warned cocaleros that continued protest would be met with a firm response and that counter-narcotics efforts, including eradication, would continue. Garcia said there "would be no treaty in the fight against drugs." -------------- The Causes of the Unrest -------------- ¶7. (U) Analysts offer different explanations for the unrest. Percy Medina of the NGO Transparancia said July is the traditional protest season in Peru, as is the one-year anniversary of a government. Medina says the GOP has done a remarkable job of containing unrest while retaining popularity, although he doubts the GOP's "band aid" response to solving problems will be effective in the long run. David Lovaton of the NGO Institute for Legal Defense says the government's willingness to negotiate with persons breaking the law -- including regional officials -- encourages demonstrations and undermines the rule of law. Mario Human, secretary general of Peru's largest union, says the problems SIPDIS found at Casaplaca are repeated at every medium and small mining concern in Peru and represent a primary cause of labor unrest. ¶8. (U) Comment: Not all of the protests have ended, and others are likely to flare in the coming weeks. As Lovaton notes, the willingness of Peruvian citizens to take to the streets to resolve complaints is a troubling sign in a nation trying to develop the rule of law. The poorly trained, corrupt, and largely outnumbered national police, moreover, cannot be counted on to contain every protest. Nevertheless, even though the underlying problems sparking unrest may not have been resolved, the Garcia administration has generally proven deft at managing conflict once it emerges. What is striking about the latest round of demonstrations is their dissimilarity, which has given the GOP room to maneuver and prevented any kind of nationwide protest movement from emerging. End Comment. STRUBLE