BOLIVIA'S PRESS INCREASINGLY UNDER PRESSURE

C O N F I D E N T I A L LA PAZ 002854 SIPDIS SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 10/22/2017 TAGS: PGOV PREL PHUM BL SUBJECT: BOLIVIA'S PRESS INCREASINGLY UNDER PRESSURE REF: LA PAZ 0980 Classified By: ECOPOL Chief Mike Hammer, reasons 1.4 b and d. - - - - Summary - - - - ¶1. (C) Reporters Without Borders (RSF) recently released its annual press freedom index and Bolivia dropped from 16 to ¶68. RSF's report stated, "(Bolivia) has fallen many places because of serious press freedom violations." While RSF cites many physical attacks on reporters, perhaps the most troubling news for the media in Bolivia is the government's increasing tendency to manipulate the press via advertising buys, random audits, inconsistent licensing enforcement, and expansion of state-run outlets. Although Bolivia still has a vibrant and independent press, RSF's report confirms what we are seeing on the ground, freedom of the press in Bolivia has deteriorated under President Morales' administration, most dramatically during the January 2007 riots in Cochabamba Department, and looks likely to worsen. End Summary. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Evo's Attacks Leads to Climate of Fear - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ¶2. (SBU) Early on in his presidency Morales began calling the press his "number one enemies," not distinguishing between journalists, editorialists and media owners. Evo now directs the bulk of his attacks against media owners. However, that does not prevent his supporters from occasionally threatening or attacking journalists. The Inter-American Press Association in a March 2007 press release wrote, "it is undeniable that a climate of fear has been installed following the president's surreptitious appeals to masses of sympathizers to intimidate journalists and media outlets." ¶3. (SBU) Unfortunately, some Morales supporters have taken to not only echoing his anti-media rhetoric, but acting on it as well. The Association of Journalists of La Paz tracked 13 attacks against the press since Morales took office, a rate that spiked with the president's aggressive rhetoric. The worst abuses occurred during violent January 2007 clashes between pro- and anti-government demonstrators in Cochabamba Department (state),which resulted in two deaths and more than 220 injuries. According to complaints from Reporters Without Borders, the Federation of Press Workers of Cochabamba, and the Association of Journalists of La Paz, journalists were punched, stripped of equipment and press passes, denied access to a city government meeting, and pelted with stones during the worst days of the conflict. On January 12 an estimated 2,000 protesters tried to take over the facilities of Unitel Television Network in Cochabamba shouting "Death to the oligarchy's channel." Because of this attack and other threats, Unitel has joined the Interamerican Press Association for protection, the first Bolivian television to do so. ¶4. (SBU) Although some federal government officials, including Vice President Alvaro Garcia Linera publicly defended and guaranteed the free exercise of the press during the Cochabamba clashes, President Morales appeared to encourage continued hostilities January 13 by accusing the head of the Press Federation of Cochabamba of trafficking information on coca growers to the police and asserting many journalists of having "sold old" to the Prefect (Governor). Morales' criticisms of the media are not without merit. Most press outlets do have a decidedly anti-government line, and professionalism varies widely. In June 2007, Morales explained to a delegation from the Committee to Protect Journalists that the attacks are reactions to "lies and accusations against my government" and that state journalists are also being attacked, such as a homemade bomb attack on state-owned Channel 7's Santa Cruz offices in December 2006. - - - - - - - - - - - - Controlling the Dollars - - - - - - - - - - - - ¶5. (C) Despite comments by Presidency Minister Juan Ramon Quintana that the Bolivian government will not spend "one cent" to favor any media outlet, the government does target its advertising spending to certain media organizations. The government, according to TV network Red Uno's Director Martin Rapp, is the second largest source of advertising revenue for Bolivian TV and radio stations. Government spending on its "Bolivia is Changing, Evo Delivers" campaign is estimated to exceed USD 12 million. This is substantial since some TV stations have budgets as low as one to two million dollars. ¶6. (SBU) The government does not just pay for positive spin, it also takes out negative attack ads against opposition figures. In December 2006, the government paid for full page ads and TV spots against hunger-striker and noted author Juan Claudio Lechin accusing him of having links to narco-traffickers. Lechin was striking against the ruling MAS party's stance on voting procedures in the Constituent Assembly. In May 2007, the government used a similar tactic to attack the judiciary. ¶7. (C) Several press sources argue that the government uses its advertising spending as a mechanism to pressure media outlets from publishing or transmitting overly negative reports. Cayetano Llobet, a leading political analyst and critic of the government, was recently released from his job at Cadena A. Llobet claims his firing followed government threats to cut its ad spending to Cadena A if his program stayed on the air. The government has refused to spend any of its ad budget on UNITEL, a network that is consistently critical of the government. Juan Carlos Arana, a journalist and analyst, whose political analysis POSDATA program airs on the station Bolivision recently had his program slot unexpectedly changed to midnight. Arena insists that Bolivision changed the slot for fears the government would cut off funding or begin investigating its finances. - - - - - - - - - - Indirect Financing - - - - - - - - - - ¶8. (SBU) The government has other more indirect ways of cutting or increasing ad spending. With increasing frequency, government friendly non-governmental organizations (NGOs) run spots on TV and radio that promote government positions. Media insiders state the government is paying for the spots. According to Rapp, telecommunications company ENTEL is the largest advertiser. However, since the government intends to nationalize ENTEL, many media owners are concerned that the government will use the threat of cutting ENTEL advertising on top of its own advertising to further pressure the press. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - The Economics of Advertising - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ¶9. (SBU) Business advertising is quite limited in Bolivia, thus the importance of the government's "contribution." U.S. journalist James Briefer, who has studied the Bolivian media estimates that total private sector ad spending in 2006 equaled approximately USD 70 million. These revenues are shared by about 20 newspapers, 55 magazines, six national TV networks, and close to a thousand radio stations. By conservative estimates the government contributes to 15 percent of all media revenue. Since the government spending is not uniform some outlets are much more dependent than others on government ad buys. In an illustrative case in September, the Central Bank of Bolivia stopped advertising with La Razon after the newspaper published a critical story about the bank. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Intimidation through Audits and Taxes - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ¶10. (C) Embassy sources inside all forms of the media claim the government is increasingly using "audits" and "inspections" as mechanism to intimidate them. Key administrative, editorial and writing staff have had their taxes audited. Juan Carlos Arana has told the Embassy that he has received several tax inquiries from the government. Cayetano Llobet, following his release from Cadena A, stated that government financial inspections are pressuring media owners to think twice about their editorial line. Directors of La Razon and El Deber, leading and respected newspapers, have complained of a wide variety of politically-motivated inspections. - - - - - - - - - - - - - Controlling the Licenses - - - - - - - - - - - - - ¶11. (C) The government also appears to be selecting certain opposition networks and overlooking friendly networks to enforce transmission licensing requirements. An Embassy source within UNITEL explained that his network was forced to stop live remote feeds after the government regulator (SITTEL) cited the company for failing to have an up-to-date license. When UNITEL pointed out to SITTEL that other networks were also in violation, SITTEL responded that UNITEL could make a formal complaint. Not wanting to cause problems for its peers, UNITEL opted not to file a claim. The government's proposed "nationalization" of ENTEL is causing media outlets additional heartburn (beyond the potential for lost ad revenue). ENTEL serves as Bolivia's primary satellite provider. Media companies based in one region rebroadcast their signal to other regions using ENTEL's satellite service. If ENTEL were to cut-off a network, the network would be relegated to its home region. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Changing the Rules of the Game to Promote Truthiness - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ¶12. (SBU) On June 20 the government issued Supreme Decree 29174, which expands the coverage of telecommunication technologies in rural parts of Bolivia (reftel). According to the decree, independent community stations will be banned from "broadcasting partisan or proselytizing messages of any kind," while Venezuelan-funded government sponsored community stations will still be permitted to broadcast overtly political content. RSF sent President Morales an open letter criticizing the decree stating, "Such unequal treatment before the law is astonishing." Critics, not surprisingly, warn that Morales could use the decree's new programming guidelines and licensing requirements to close down stations which oppose the government. (Note: Commercial stations do not fall under these guidelines. End Note). The government also screened at least four journalists from employment in internationally-financed government projects for political concerns. The government exercises veto power over local hiring for government studies and surveys financed by international organizations. ¶13. (SBU) Government supporters have also advanced many proposals aimed at regulating the press, such as a "news ombudsman" to protect citizens from slander. Members of the Constitutional Assembly have advanced proposals to condition media reports on the "truth" and the Cuban Minister of Culture Abel Prieto urged government officials in a May meeting to create a press tribunal to punish offending media owners. Although these proposals have faced strong criticism and remain unrealized, even unrealized they contribute to a environment of press intimidation. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Getting the Government Message Out - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ¶14. (SBU) Media watchers have noted that state-owned Channel 7 (also known as TVB) has become increasingly partisan. During the 2004-2005 directorship of Renan Estensorro, the current president of the Association of Journalists, Channel 7 had gained a reputation for being relatively balanced. Today Channel 7 broadcasts a constant barrage of pro-government interviews, public service announcements, and opposition attack ads. Employees inside Channel 7 state that Cuban consultants are now very active within the station's programming and news reports focus heavily on Venezuelan and Cuban assistance projects. Channel 7 is also the sole authorized source for media coverage of President Morales; other stations require permission to tap into their signal. The government is also launching a network of community radio stations to expand state media with the help of $2 million in Venezuelan-government funds. - - - - Comment - - - - ¶15. (C) Bolivia still maintains a vibrant and independent media; however, there are clear signs that the government wishes to rein it in. Given Evo,s rhetoric and actions toward the press in his first 22 months in office, and that he seems to have followed Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez's script in other areas, there is reason to be concerned that press freedom will only worsen and that independent media will be increasingly threatened. GOLDBERG