WHAT DOES NANDIGRAM MEAN FOR THE CPM?

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 KOLKATA 000104 SIPDIS SENSITIVE SIPDIS E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: PGOV PHUM PINR SOCI PREL IN SUBJECT: WHAT DOES NANDIGRAM MEAN FOR THE CPM? REF: KOLKATA 95, KOLKATA 92, KOLKATA 88 ¶1. (SBU) Summary: The March 14 Nandigram violence resulted in at least 14 deaths, badly damaged Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee's administration and revealed the ruthless face of West Bengal's ruling Communist Party of India - Marxist (CPM). It also shifted the dynamics between the CPM and its partners. The CPM's national leadership has expressed support for Bhattacharjee's administration and for continued economic reforms and industrialization (though on a smaller, less visible scale),but Bhattacharjee will now be more susceptible to the influence of CPM nonagenarian and former Chief Minister Jyoti Basu and other CPM hardliners, as well as W. Bengal's Marwari industrialists. As a result, W. Bengal's economic future will be influenced by those with a history of inhibiting economic progress and maintaining xenophobic policies. The CPM is part of the four party Left Front (LF) alliance that keeps the UPA government in power, and Nandigram developments may overflow into New Delhi politics. Some are speculating that a distracted CPM will be less confrontational with Congress on the economic agenda. End Summary. ¶2. (SBU) The death of at least 14 people protesting the GOWB's Special Economic Zone policies in the rural district of Nandigram, has prompted opposition groups to challenge CPM dominance in West Bengal (reftels). However, the fallout from Nandigram may be felt most keenly within the CPM itself. Contacts told post that the mood after Nandigram among the CPM "old guard," led by former Chief Minister Jyoti Basu, is rather "upbeat." These ideological hardliners regard Bhattacharjee as a liability -- especially in the run-up to village-level Panchayat elections scheduled in 2008 -- because of his departure from traditional party dogma (and willingness to loosen CPM control over economic interests in the state). Some criticized the CM openly after the Nandigram incident. This faction, which includes such figures as Land Reforms Minister Rezzak Mollah, Minister for Housing Gautam Deb, Transport Minister Subhash Chakrobarty, and President of the Krishak Sabha (the CPM's Peasant's Wing) Benoy Konar, would welcome Bhattacharjee's departure as Chief Minister. The names of Deb, Finance Minister Asim Dasgupta, and Commerce and Industries Minister Nirupam Sen are already making the rounds as possible replacements. The hardliners see them as more malleable and easier to influence. -------------- Complete Control -------------- ¶3. (SBU) Within the Bhattacharjee administration, there are two committees that are supposed to be involved in the government's decision-making processes. One is the Cabinet Core Committee (CCC),which includes ministers from each Left party such as: Bhattacharjee (CPM),Nirupam Sen (CPM),Nandagopal Bhattacharya Communist Party of India (CPI),Kshiti Goswami Revolutionary Socialist Party(RSP),Naren De (Forward Bloc),and Kiranmoy Nanda (Socialist Party),etc. The composition of the CCC is not permanent, and changes over time. ¶4. (SBU) The other committee is the Left Front Committee (LFC), chaired by state CPM General Secretary Biman Basu. Its representatives are the heads of the Left Front partner parties. Over the past couple of years, both the LFC and CCC have only met 5-6 times. Bhattacharjee and Commerce and Industries Minister Sen have tended to make major decisions on their own, rendering the existing committees irrelevant. There is no regular schedule of committee meetings, and the committees are called together only for special reasons (usually after pressure by Left Front partners.) ¶5. (SBU) After Nandigram, the Left partners demanded regular committee meetings, and called for Bhattacharjee to consult the committees before making major decisions. (Comment: The CPM's "junior partners" in the Left Front government have for a long time felt out of the loop on decision making in W. Bengal. Many are unwilling now to take any blame for Nandigram, claiming they tried to warn CPM leaders about brewing tensions there. CPM leaders have, for their part, tried to cast aspersions on the ultra-Leftists who participated in the Nandigram violence and have questioned the loyalty of some Left parties they accuse of supporting the protestors. End Comment.) KOLKATA 00000104 002 OF 003 -------------- Should he stay or should he go? -------------- ¶6. (SBU) CPM General Secretary Prakash Karat and other national CPM officials expressed support for the Bhattacharjee administration in recent statements, most likely as a form of damage control. However, there is a clear sense that with Bhattacharjee weakened, the CPM hardliners have more say in government affairs. Although unlikely to immediately step-down, Bhattacharjee could be moved out of the position, ostensibly for health reasons. Bhattacharjee suffered a mental breakdown 15 years ago, and a Post contact close to the Chief Minister said that he is showing signs of severe stress. If Bhattacharjee does step down, he will likely depart in a manner designed to save face for the CPM. -------------- Clampdown -------------- ¶7. (SBU) The re-emergence of the old guard's influence in W. Bengal would make it more difficult for the current UPA government to go forward on economic reforms. The CPM leadership will adopt a more conservative approach on national policy issues, and be more resistant to change. In addition, the party will be determined to demonstrate that it has not been weakened by Nandigram, and will lash out to show its strength. This was evidenced by Prakash Karat's editorial entitled "Let the Truth Be Known" in "People's Democracy," a CPM-run news outlet which he edits (text is available at http://pd.cpim.org/2007/0325/03252007_prakash .htm). The party will also attempt to shift the blame for Nandigram to others. CPM leader Sitaram Yechury has already claimed that it was the UPA's SEZ policy which fostered the violence. ¶8. (SBU) A Bhattacharjee departure would also be something of a victory for Kolkata's traditional business elite, the influential Marwari families, some of whom (the Goenkas, Budhias, and Neotias),manage large scale economic operations in ¶W. Bengal. Many Marwaris enjoyed a cozy relationship with former CM Jyoti Basu. Harsh Neotia, for example, was granted free land concessions to assist its real estate development projects by the pre-Bhattacharjee administration, resulting in encroachment on environmentally-sensitive areas, shoddy construction, and reportedly high levels of graft. The Marwaris' track record in the last 30 years points to a pattern of crony capitalism and industrial mismanagement at the expense of economic development. In addition, Marwari business leaders, while outwardly claiming openness to economic liberalization, often behind-the-scenes undermine proposals for greater economic reforms. For example, Marwaris opposed foreign direct investment in retail, which they viewed as inimical to their business interests. ¶9. (SBU) During his rise to the Chief Minister post in 2000, Bhattacharjee distanced his administration from some of these influential Marwari businessmen. Instead, he sought to cultivate more Bengali business interests such as bringing in Indonesian-based Bengali businessman Prasun Mukherjee to facilitate the investment of Indonesian company Salim Group in the Nandigram SEZ. -------------- The Word From Delhi -------------- ¶10. (SBU) Harish Khare is the influential editor of "The Hindu," and is closely linked to the CPM leadership in Delhi. He told Poloff that there is no break between Kolkata and Delhi on economic policy, deriding the post- Nandigram speculation as "political theater" staged by the CPM. Khare pointed out that as a cadre-based party, all major decisions are approved by the Delhi leaders. Khare insisted that Bhattacharjee won prior approval for his investment policy using the argument that the GOWB needed capital to attract investment that would otherwise go to other states. Khare assured Poloff that the CPM had no intention of making Bhattacharjee the "fall guy" for failed economic policies, but would rather "go back to the drawing board," and try to "learn from its mistakes." In Khare's assessment, the Nandigram will result in a "course correction," KOLKATA 00000104 003 OF 003 but was viewed as a "tactical mistake," rather than strategic and will not cause the CPM to backtrack. ¶11. (SBU) "Hard News" Editor Sanjay Kapoor emphasized that Nandigram was a huge public relations blow to the CPM. He and Khare agreed that many female protestors had been raped by police, and that the CPM had hired professional criminals to drive protesters from the site. This, emphasized Kapoor, had caused a "crisis" for the CPM, by exposing its authoritarian face. The weakened party will now become increasingly introspective, he predicted, and would be less capable of opposing the UPA on the nuclear deal and other foreign policy issues. -------------- Comment -------------- ¶12. (SBU) While the Left has been diverted by Nandigram developments, which have resulted in some internecine conflict between nascent CPM factions and the CPM and other Left parties, it is unlikely to have much effect on the CPM's contentious relations with Congress in New Delhi. The Delhi-based CPM leaders have already indicated that they remain as ready as ever to oppose "globalization" as propounded by Chidambaram, Manmohan Singh and the "neoliberal" camp within Congress. This is partially the result of fortuitous circumstances. The CPM is well-aware that Congress has been wounded by recent electoral defeats and is facing tough electoral contests against a resurgent BJP in Uttar Pradesh and other upcoming state elections and is itself too distracted to do battle on economic and foreign policy issues. ¶13. (SBU) The survival or fall of W. Bengal's embattled Chief Minister will not be determined by external factors, but rather by internal Left dynamics. In the confrontation over economic reform, those wanting a return to earlier certainties and cozy business relationships would be happy to see him go. However, Bhattacharjee's situation is linked to the state's economic performance. After Nandigram, business projects have been put on hold, land costs are escalating and businesses hesitating to make additional investments in the state. To reduce his profile and discourage further violence, Bhattacharjee may keep business projects out of the public eye. Bhattacharjee's post-Nandigram weakness is allowing the CPM old guard and its business supports to regain their voice. Although CPM hardliners hope the Left tail will wag the UPA dog at the center on crucial issues of economic policy, the party may be less assertive until it recovers from the shock of Nandigram and resolves internal issues. JARDINE