RECREATING THE CALIPHATE: HIZBUT TAHRIR INDONESIA

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 JAKARTA 000247 SIPDIS SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/29/2012 TAGS: PHUM PGOV KISL PREL SOCI ID SUBJECT: RECREATING THE CALIPHATE: HIZBUT TAHRIR INDONESIA REF: 03 JAKARTA 7095 Classified By: Political Officer Catherine E. Sweet, Reason 1.4(d) ¶1. (C) Summary. Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) spokesman Ismail Yusanto told us about his organization's ideology, structure and goals, most notably the re-establishment of an Islamic caliphate and imposition of Islamic law. HTI is a hard-line Islamist movement that, while ostensibly non-violent, skirts the edge of radicalism. The group has been one of the drivers behind anti-U.S. demonstrations in Indonesia. Yusanto, who joined the Islamist movement while he was a student, claimed that HTI currently has approximately 2 million members. He said the movement is particularly strong on campus, where it has supplanted more moderate Muslim groups in attracting students who would like to become more pious. By rejecting democracy, Yusanto argues that HTI is engaged in a campaign to "save Indonesia with shari'a." Yet he did not rule out participating in future elections, if shari'a-compliant candidates can be found. Yusanto was critical of existing Islamic parties, which he called indistinguishable from secular ones. With regard to the ongoing sectarian conflict in Central Sulawesi, Yusanto strongly believes that Muslim community has been under attack, provoked by outsiders and an unspecified (foreign) third party; he denied that the "so-called Jemaah Islamiyah" was involved. Comment. Although we doubt that HTI has as large a membership as Yusanto claimsQit is certainly growing in popularity. And despite Yusanto's friendly demeanor during our meeting with him, he has engaged in inflammatory, anti-U.S. and anti-Western rhetoric in other venues. Yusanto clearly sees himself as the defender of those Muslims who feel persecuted by the West, and particularly by the U.S. End summary. ¶2. (C) In a meeting that ran for nearly two hours, Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) spokesman Ismail Yusanto told us about his organization's ideology, structure and goals, most notably the re-establishment of an Islamic caliphate ruling in accordance with Islamic law. Although HTI claims to be non-violent, it is avowedly hard-line and skirts the line between mainstream and radical Islamism; in Indonesia, Hizbut Tahrir has been one of the main drivers behind anti-U.S. demonstrations. Yusanto was accompanied by Bambang Sujedo, the managing director of a forestry company who reportedly attended college with Yusanto. (Note. Sujedo's reason for attending and his connection to HTI was unclear. Yusanto generally jumped in to answer questions we posed to Sujedo, and Sujedo himself said that he was not formal member of HTI. We note that Sujedo, unlike Yusanto, offered to shake a female poloff's hand. End note.) In contrast to previous encounters (ref A),Yusanto largely refrained from engaging in anti-American rhetoric, only broaching the topic of US foreign policy during the final minutes of our conversation. Instead, he was eager to tell us about the ever more popular HTI, as well as the personal experiences that brought him into the fold. Ismail Yusanto: The Warmer Face of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia -------------- -------------- ¶3. (C) Yusanto, who was born in 1962 in Yogyakarta, graduated from Gadjah Mada University (UGM) with a degree in geological engineering in 1988. He described his upbringing as a religious one in a family that was affiliated with Nahdlatul Ulama (NU),Indonesia's largest and most important moderate Islamic organization. Yusanto said his mother, whom he characterized as a devout Muslim, had the greatest impact on his religious education, although he noted that he was also influenced by NU and its rival, Muhammadiyah (with which he said he had a close affiliation during his youth). He added that he used to view Muhammadiyah leaders like Syafii Maarif and Amien Rais as intellectual role models. ¶4. (C) Yusanto said he was drawn into the Islamist movement during his time at the secular UGM, which coincided with Indonesia's dakwah, or proselytization, revival. Following graduation, he eschewed engineering and opted instead to study Islam at a religious boarding school (pesantren) in Bogor, West Java, under the tutelage of Didin Hafidhuddin. (Note. Hafidhuddin is a well-known dakwah activist who ran as the Islamist Justice Party's 1999 presidential candidate. End note.) Yusanto explained that in the philosophy of Hizbut Tahrir, he found a synthesis of NU's strong, classical discourse with Muhammadiyah's modernist doctrine. Asked whether his affiliation with HTI caused conflict within his NU-affiliated family, Yusanto said it did not. Rather, he said, it was a natural outgrowth of the piety that his mother fostered. He added that his embrace of HTI inspired his JAKARTA 00000247 002 OF 004 younger brother and sister to become "good Muslims" themselves. HTI: The Organization -------------- ¶5. (C) Yusanto told us that the Indonesia branch of Hizbut Tahrir, a transnational, pan-Islamic movement founded in Jordan, was established in the 1980s by visiting Arabs. Based on HTI's weekly bulletin distribution of 900,000 exemplars, which Yusanto says are read by multiple members, he estimates HTI's current membership at approximately 2 million. A fourteen-member elected central committee oversees 30 provincial and 250 district-level committees primarily in Java, although Yusanto claimed HTI also has strongholds in Sumatra, Kalimantan and Central/South Sulawesi. In describing the relationship between HTI and Hizbut Tahrir's Jordanian headquarters, Yusanto likened HT Indonesia to the spoke of a wheel radiating out from HT's center. (Note. Although Yusanto considers Jordan as HT's headquarters, the organization is banned there; HT's London office effectively functions as its "international headquarters." End note.) HT Indonesia, however, is autonomous, he claimed, and can act independently. We asked whether there was an available list of HTI's central committee members (whom HTI has previously declined to name publicly); Yusanto replied that there was not. According to him, the idea is of primary importance in HTI, followed by the organization and then the individual. Identifying the leadership, therefore, is not relevant ) it is the message of HTI that matters, he explained. ¶6. (C) Yusanto insisted that HTI, while conservative, is not a Wahhabist movement. Wahhabism, he said, conflicts with HT's principles both politically and doctrinally. First, he argued, Wahhabism is a political movement supported by an inherently un-Islamic institution: the Ibn Saud monarchy. The Wahhabis also demonstrated contempt for the institution of the caliphate (which HTI is striving to reestablish) by rebelling against the Ottomans during the 19th century. At the doctrinal level, Yusanto explained that Wahhabism obliges its followers to adhere to the Hanbali school of Islamic law, while HTI does not follow any one school in particular. When asked if HT is therefore a modernist Muslim movement like Muhammadiyah, Yusanto replied that it would be considered modern if "modern" is defined as bringing Islam into the current age. If modern means rejecting salafi traditions, however, HTI is not modern. ¶7. (C) According to Yusanto, HTI maintains good relations with both Muhammadiyah and NU, and has drawn members from them. He noted that HTI adherents could be members of HTI and Muhammadiyah or NU simultaneously. University Campuses: HTI's Stronghold -------------- --- ¶8. (C) The bastion of HTI recruiting is university campuses. Yusanto told us that according to the Ministry of Religion, HTI is one of the three most important Muslim student movements among students (the others are salafist organizations and "tarbiyah" groups like KAMMI, the student wing of the Prosperous Justice Party). As such, he claimed, these more hard-line groups have surpassed former powerhouse Muslim student organizations like the independent Muslim Students Association (HMI) and NU's student wing, PMII. Yusanto argued that HMI and PMII could not satisfy the increasing desire among students to become more pious. Asked to explain why students are moving in this direction, Yusanto pointed to two factors. At a personal level, he noted, students would like to become more confident Muslims, unashamed to express their Muslim identity. At the social level, he said, students see Islam as a vehicle for building a better society. In his mind, secularism, the adoption of "non-religious values" and "hedonistic" lifestyles have caused a sense of "moral dislocation" among students. (Note. These are all HT buzzwords; this was one of the few times that Yusanto seemed to be delivering the standard HT script. End note). ¶9. (C) Yusanto contended that the trend toward greater Islamization on university campuses is mirrored in society at large. For instance, he said, his hometown of Yogyakarta was once a bastion of a so-called "abangan" Islam, a syncretic blend of Islam with traditional Javanese practices. Now, however, Yogyakarta is changing into a city populated by "better" Muslims. Likewise, he noted, his boyhood neighborhood, once a Communist party stronghold, has gradually become a conservative Muslim one. He said the same JAKARTA 00000247 003 OF 004 shift occurred at UGM and other universities, where starting in the 1980s students who were previously hard-line nationalists have turned instead to Islam. Islam Is the Answer -------------- ¶10. (C) Yusanto told us that the HTI's central focus is dakwah, or spreading HTI's interpretation of the call to Islam. A key component is urging the adoption of Islamic law, or shari'a. In Yusanto's opinion, non-Islamic political parties and the democratic system have failed to solve Indonesia's problems. Although he believes corruption is less systematic than during Suharto's New Order, he says it is more massive and diffuse now. He gave the Islamist Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) credit for having a better anti-corruption record than other political parties, although he cautioned that it will take time to see whether they are in fact immune to the temptation of easy money. As he noted, PKS members have not had as much time as other politicians to become corrupted. ¶11. (C) By rejecting democracy and advocating a caliphate, Yusanto argues that HTI is engaged in a campaign to "save Indonesia with shari'a." We asked if HTI considers the recent flourishing of local shari'a-based bylaws as a good development. "Oh, yes!" he replied immediately. He attributes their proliferation to generalized dissatisfaction with the existing political system, which has led Indonesians to look to Islam for solutions. He added that relatively new regional autonomy arrangements have also increased opportunities to enact shari'a-inspired legislation. As evidence that shari'a bylaws work, Yusanto pointed to South Sulawesi's Bulukumba regency, which has recently banned the sale of alcohol. According to Yusanto, crime has fallen by 80 percent since the law's passage, making Bulukumba "the safest region in South Sulawesi." ¶12. (C) We asked Yusanto which caliphate from Islamic history HT viewed as a model. Yusanto, who apparently has fielded the question before, replied that social scientists are mistaken in believing that HTI is not critical of the institution of the caliphate. According to him, each era had its failures and successes, and each caliphate had its own strengths and weaknesses (including the Ottoman caliphate, he hastened to add). Although HT does not "negate" these caliphates, it declines to refer to them as a model for the future, he explained. The exceptions to this rule are the four Al-Rashidoun, or rightly guided, caliphs who followed the prophet Muhammad, who are worthy of emulation. Opening the Door to Political Participation? -------------- ¶13. (C) Worldwide, HT shuns participation in elections, which they consider to be part of an illegitimate political system. But Yusanto did not rule it out in Indonesia. Instead, he argued that HTI was focused on raising Muslims' "Islamic awareness," which had to precede any participation in electoral politics. He reminded us that during the last national elections, two secular parties were the biggest winners. To him, this "reflects the state of the Islamic community" and underscores how much work remains to be done to increase Islamic awareness. But this can change, he said hopefully, adding that HTI has not made a firm decision about whether or not to take part in the 2009 elections. ¶14. (C) Yusanto said that HTI could accept participating in the democratic process as long as the process of choosing a representative is consistent with shari'a. This, he said, is dependent both on the character of the representative and the nature of his work. If the candidate's proposed actions are shari'a-compliant and he is a proper Muslim, then it is acceptable for Muslims to support him. ¶15. (C) When asked if HTI members are currently permitted to vote, Yusanto contended that HTI simply reminds its members to make the "right choice (i.e., vote for an Islamic party that intends to implement shari'a),because God will judge them in the hereafter." HTI never tells its members not to take part in elections, he said, although their participation is circumscribed by the absence of real Islamic parties. Yusanto called Indonesia's nominally Islamist parties like PKS "pragmatic," and commented that distinguishing between Islamist and secular parties is difficult because their means of "political expression" are the same. He cited as examples the current debates over whether Indonesia should import rice to reduce prices (versus striving for self-sufficiency) and whether a foreign company (ExxonMobil) should be allowed to JAKARTA 00000247 004 OF 004 continue developing East Java's Cepu oil and gas block. The Islamist parties' positions are indistinguishable from the secular parties, he claimed. "Third Party" Provokes Sectarian Violence in Central Sulawesi -------------- -------------- ¶16. (C) We asked Yusanto for his thoughts on the ongoing sectarian conflict in Central Sulawesi. He strongly believes that Central Sulawesi's Muslim community has been under attack, and he alleged that an unspecified third party has been provoking the violence. The region is rich in natural resources, he explained conspiratorially, and foreign companies would like Central Sulawesi to be militarized so that they can take over and exploit the region. (Note. How militarization would lead to more opportunities for foreign companies was not further explained. End note.) He also suggested that Indonesia "outsiders" have stoked the sectarian flames, pointing out that one of the "Poso 3" (a trio of Christians who were recently executed) was from West Nusa Tenggara province. Yusanto also thinks that members of the security forces have provoked violence, although he qualified this by saying they are acting as individuals rather than as a matter of policy. He accused the police of "disappointing" the people of Central Sulawesi by forcibly entering homes and "abusing" civilians. By contrast, Yusanto does not believe that there are extremist groups operating in Central Sulawesi, including what he referred to as "the so-called Jemaah Islamiya." ¶17. (C) We asked whether HTI is recruiting from the security services. Yusanto said that members of the police and armed forces are prohibited from officially joining political organizations, HTI included, but added that this does not prevent HTI from disseminating its ideas to them. As Yusanto explained, people do not have to join HTI in order to share ideas. And particularly if they are Muslims, he claimed, it is not difficult for them to agree with HTI's principles, especially the desirability of shari'a. Comment -------------- ¶18. (C) Although we doubt that HTI has as large a membership as Yusanto claims, it is certainly growing in popularity, particularly among students. And despite Yusanto's friendly demeanor during our meeting with him, he has engaged in inflammatory, anti-U.S. and anti-Western rhetoric in other venues. An American contact of ours from the Asia Foundation described an HTI meeting she attended not long after the September 11 terrorist attacks, when video of the planes striking the World Trade Center was looped repeatedly as the crowd screamed, "Allah akbar!" She said it was the first time she had felt a threat to her personal security after nearly two decades in Indonesia. Likewise, Yusanto has been a key organizer of anti-U.S. demonstrations in Indonesia. When the issue of U.S. foreign policy arose during our meeting, Yusanto gloated about the war in Iraq, asking "Where are the weapons of mass destruction?" and claiming that he had advised U.S. officials before the invasion that the U.S. would become bogged down in a civil war. Yusanto, who also condemned recent U.S. military action against Islamist rebels in Somalia, clearly sees himself as the defender of those Muslims who feel persecuted by the West, and particularly by the U.S. PASCOE