AMCONSULATE ISTANBUL RECEIVES PURPORTED OCALAN

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 06 ISTANBUL 000116 SIPDIS NOFORN SIPDIS DEPARTMENT FOR EUR/SE, SECDEF FOR USDP:PDUSDP/ISA:EUR/ISA:NESA, JOINT STAFF WASHDC FOR J-3/J-5, 425ABS IZMIR TU FOR CC, E.O. 12958: DECL: 02/07/2017 TAGS: PGOV PREL PTER TU IZ SUBJECT: AMCONSULATE ISTANBUL RECEIVES PURPORTED OCALAN LETTER Classified By: CG Deborah K. Jones for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d). ¶1. (C/NF) Consulate has received a letter purporting to be from jailed PKK leader Abullah Ocalan. The envelope was postmarked January 11, 2007, from Beyoglu, Istanbul and addressed to ConGen Istanbul's former Beyoglu office building. The Asrin Law Firm, responsible for Abdullah Ocalan's legal defense in Turkey, is the return address. The letter purporting to be from Ocalan and the law firm's cover letter were in Turkish and prepared and printed using computer word processing. The "ABD Baskonsoloslugu,na" ("to the U.S. Consulate") salutation on the law firm's cover letter is the only hand-lettered portion appearing on the text received. The Danish and Canadian Embassies informed Embassy Ankara that they had received the same text. ¶2. (C/NF) Embassy Ankara passed the letter February 14 to MFA Director General for Security Affairs (S/CT-equivalent) Hayati Guven, who told us he was aware of the letter and that Ocalan's law firm had sent it to a number of diplomatic missions. ¶3. (C/NF) Begin text of cover letter: To the American Consulate General Ocalan, kidnapped on an international level in February, 1999, was turned over to Turkey and has been detained on the Island of Imrali since that date. He spends 23 hours per day in a prison that houses a single prisoner in a twelve square meter area. The implementation of the new sentence execution system that was developed along with 2005 laws, is highly restrictive and anti-democratic, and when applied to Ocalan, it is interpreted significantly more narrowly. In addition, due to the position and status of the Imrali Prison, existing limitations on his rights are compounded by the de-facto obstacles that prevent foremost his rights of defense and communication, along with many other rights. Further, the unjust and inappropriate accusations and speculation that Ocalan has been subject to has been contributing to the maintenance of a lynching culture within society, constantly keeping him on the agenda. He has been in a prison housing a single prisoner on Imrali Island for nearly eight years, subject to special and discriminatory treatment, under very heavy conditions of seclusion and isolation from life and society. Some political circles and media outlets frequently create unrealistic, unjust and inappropriate accusations and speculation regarding Ocalan. The conditions under which he is detained and speculative comments regarding his thoughts are perceived especially by politicians with a narrow-minded, nationalist approach, and those who evaluate Turkey,s problems in the framework of their own political interests, as a vehicle for political profit. In contrast to this, serious reaction and democratic activities have developed in protest of the seclusion and isolation of Ocalan. Along with many hunger strikes and press releases, the public closely followed the request for gatherings for demonstrations protesting the separation that resulted in complete isolation from the world, that were to take place in Gemlik, the closest point to Imrali Island, in 2003 and 2005, with participants especially from the regions where the Kurdish population in Turkey reside. In addition to the conditions of seclusion and isolation, data which is reflective of Kurdish acceptance of Ocalan politically, and how his political views and stance are determining factors for Kurds, is evident when considering the petition campaign carried out in Iraq, Iran, Syria, Turkey and all nations where Kurds live or have migrated to, in which 3,243,627 ISTANBUL 00000116 002 OF 006 Kurdish individuals age 16 and over signed on to the motto, "I accept Ocalan as representing my political will," despite all of the obstacles placed before both those carrying out the survey and those who participated in it. This development clearly demonstrates that in the context of the perspective and political views of Ocalan, he is one of the most important addressees of this issue. With the hope of coming to a just, free and permanent resolution to the Kurdish Issue, Ocalan has created a period in which the suspension of armed conflict took place exactly five times, and in order to seek a resolution through dialogue, Ocalan has attempted to declare unilateral cease-fires. These efforts, while leading to important developments in terms of mutual dialogue and democratic, peaceful methods to resolving the Kurdish issue, unfortunately have not sufficed. Most recently, he has made a major effort to establish a cease-fire on 1 October 2006. The undeniable reality that the Kurdish Issue is the underlying factor in the foundation of all Turkey,s problems is something that everybody accepts without question. The question of what kind of an attitude will this issue be addressed with, is not one that is pertinent only to those of Kurdish ethnicity, but to all of those who live in this region or have something to do with this region, and the answer to the question of "what kind of a future do we want" is also contained in its response. As a requisite for the responsibility that we have towards our client, we want to overcome the inaccurate information that is prevalent in society regarding the conditions under which he is detained, as well as the inaccurate information about Ocalan,s contentious, and by this means, to overcome the societal isolation against our client by sharing with you Ocalan,s thoughts on the resolution of Turkey,s problems and the Kurdish issue. With our respects, January 2007 Asrin Law Firm. End text. ¶4. (C/NF) Begin text of Ocalan letter: Twenty-eight Kurdish rebellions have taken place throughout the 84-year history of the Republic, and the problems that we are experiencing today have at their source the Kurdish Issue that has been sentenced to a deadlock. The resolution to existing problems can only be achieved by way of responding to the problems of Kurdish liberation, and in light of the reality that concepts such as justice and freedom can only be achieved in societies where they are shared equally, I believe that as a requirement of the historical obligation I have towards you and towards our people, my efforts, although expressed only in the form of main ideas, should be known by you. A lot of effort must be made in terms of the attempt to create an environment without conflict during this time at which we are at an important curve in the road. I think that it is known that our efforts are not new. We have made various attempts for the democratic and peaceful resolution of the Kurdish issue in 1999 and previously. But these attempts were fruitless. There are several reasons for the inconclusiveness of these attempts. Our attempts were always considered to be a "weakness." Each time, the PKK and Ocalan were assessed as being in the final hour and these attempts were construed as mere tactics, and assessments and propaganda continued to the effect that if more pressure is applied on the PKK they will come undone. Actions were taken in this manner. There were significant tendencies. However none of them produced ISTANBUL 00000116 003 OF 006 results. It is not possible to resolve the Kurdish issue by means of weapons and force. Despite positive approaches by several parties during the period from 99-2005, our efforts towards peace were assessed as a weakness and approached as such. Our friends who came as ambassadors of peace were even detained and imprisoned. I am not afraid of death or war. For this reason, the assessments of weakness were very wrong assessments. The fact that the attempts were fruitless can be attributed a great deal to these wrong assessments. Whether it is the deaths of the soldiers or the guerillas, I felt a great deal of pain because of what we experienced. My conditions are difficult. Perhaps nobody in Turkey lives under these conditions. But I have continued my peace efforts constantly, regardless. Despite my conditions, I have made significant efforts; I have constantly warned and produced solutions. For more than 10 years, our efforts towards peace have continued but the point at which we stand now is obvious as well, the bloodshed continues. In addition to all of the calls and the developing process I again appealed for a unilateral cease-fire, and as 1 October 2006 the PKK announced that as long as they weren,t threatened with being eradicated, they would not use violence, that is, they announced a unilateral cease-fire. Some meaning has to be imparted on this stance. In light of what we have experienced, righteous Kurds and Turks, those segments and groups in Turkey with common sense, those in favor of democracy, have voiced their desire for the need for immediate peace, and that to accomplish this, a first step towards stopping the conflict must be taken. They have emphasized at every opportunity that the bloodshed must stop and that they are ready to assume responsibility to accomplish this. The government and political circles must also make an effort to develop democracy and peace in accordance with this position. The transformation of the cease-fire that was initiated on 1 October 2006 into a permanent peace, carries great importance. If taken advantage of, this process that will start with orientation can take on the form of the Democratic Establishment of the Republic. The enthusiasm, excitement, dynamism and unity were experienced during the initial days of the establishment (of the Republic) can be achieved again. The Prime Minister said something. I placed a lot of value on that. He said we will make Turkey a different country that can serve as a model for the Middle East. This is our goal as well. If our thoughts are taken into consideration, if we accomplish peace, Turkey will make leaps forward in every way, its economy will be strengthened, it,s dignity in Middle Eastern policies will increase, it will be a model for the Middle East. We can make Turkey a country that is a model for the Middle East with its own unique conditions. Peace in the Middle East can only be accomplished with the democratic unity of Turks and Kurds. The National Pact that was passed in the Grand National Assembly in 1919 must be adapted to today. The move that was made in that period for the establishment of the Republic is needed today for the establishment of democracy. In fact, we can call this a Democracy Pact; the 1921 Constitution was a modern constitution which formed the Republic. We want that constitution which was valid during that period, with the exception of those aspects of it that may be considerate outdated, applied again today. We share a common history, a common culture, and a common struggle in the establishment of the Republic. The victory of the Republic as a result of the struggle by Mustafa Kemal in the 1920,s, is a victory that belongs as much to the Kurds as it does to the Turks. In fact, Mustafa Kemal sent Sheik Mahmut Berzenci an ambassador. This struggle is as much a Kurdish struggle for national ISTANBUL 00000116 004 OF 006 freedom as it is a Turkish struggle. Three times in history, Turks and Kurds formed strategic alliances. In addition to the common success of the Turks and Kurds as a result of the alliance formed during the War of Independence, they formed strategic alliances during the Yavuz period as well as during the Alpasian period in 1701. Alpasian formed an alliance with the Kurds and entered Anatolia against Romas Emperor Romanus IV Diogenes. With his arrival in the Silvan region, he formed cooperation foremost with the Kurds of the Mervani Kurdish Principality. As a result, the Kurds facilitated Alpasian,s victory by supporting him with 10,000 troops. In the same way during the Yavuz period, Yavuz was able to enter the Middle East after securing his alliance with the Kurds. The form of today,s Turkey-Iran border was shaped during that period. After securing the alliance and winning battles in Caldiran, Mercidabik, and Ridaniye, Yavuz became the sovereign in Syria, Arabia, and Egypt...that is to say, in the Middle East. Today, with the facilitation of a 4th Turkish-Kurdish Democracy Alliance, Turkey should set itself free of this difficult and dangerous situation. We can only be set free of this situation by carrying out a "Democratic Conquest" of the entire Middle East based on the brotherhood of Turks and Kurds. As I have persistently emphasized, a culture of Democracy should be put into place in the Middle East by facilitating a Turkish-Kurdish alliance. A new and democratic alliance can lead to democratization in Turkey and this culture of democracy can be spread throughout the entire Middle East. There is a serious lack of a culture of democracy throughout the Middle East. Politics and society in the Middle East must be democratized. Sovereigns dictated their despotic state concepts at the beginning of the last century, and we lost the 20th century. If the Middle East does not democratize, we will lose another century. All segments that are sensitive to this and fell obliged, the resolution that I am suggesting to the Turkish society is broad in its dimensions. Our desire is for a Democratic nation. We have no objections to a unitary state and to the Republic. However, Kurds should be able to organize democratically and realize their democratic expansion of culture, language, economics and the environment as well as other areas. Kurds, Turks and other cultures together comprise the Democratic Turkish Nation. This can only be achieved as a result of the concept of a democratic nation, a democratic constitution and developed legal system that is multi-cultural. We accept the Republic, the unitary state, and secularism. However, we believe that the democratic state must be redefined on the basis of peoples and respect for peoples and cultures. At the establishment of the Republic, we took our places as original elements of the Republic. Ataturk formed the Republic and this establishment has remained in a very narrow framework. Indeed the establishment of the Republic is important but now what is most important is the democratization of the Republic. Let us come together to facilitate the democratic rebuilding of the Republic, because only this democratic rebuilding can be a solution to our problem. This is what we want. This must be well understood. Our democratic nation concept does not have a problem with a flag or border. The assimilation and denial of different ethnic identities and politics that are built upon the destruction of them in the most extreme sense should be seen as overcome in the form of states that they create. These approaches that are based on the axis of Europe have been overcome in Europe long ago. I will not get into along debate about how Spain and ETA, ISTANBUL 00000116 005 OF 006 Basque, Catalan, and England with Scotland, Whales and Ireland and Belgium,s similar problems were resolved, there are many more examples. I am not suggesting that we apply the exact same resolutions. The world is full of examples, and they should be used, but we cannot wait for a resolution to come from the outside, we must develop it within ourselves. For this, I am emphasizing once again the importance of democratic dialogue. Dialogue is a must. We have previously had high-level meetings, and we can have them again. Especially since we have the people,s elected officials and limited as it may be, we also have developments in the area of non-governmental organizations. We won,t have difficulty in finding people to have discussions with. It won,t be the end of the world. It will be better for Turkey. The economy will get better and society will be able to take a breath. There are four major people in the Middle East. These are the Kurds, Arabs, Persians and Turks. The voluntary unity of these major peoples can create a democratic unity in its foundation. Iran, Turkey, Syria and Iraq are states where Kurds live. If these states resolve the Kurdish Issue within the framework of a democratic nation, democracy will be dominant in the entire Middle East, and will spread to the world from there. We should put before us what is currently necessary to resolve the issue. A Democratic Action Plan pertinent to today can be realized. It is important for a Truth and Justice Research Commission to be established for the resolution of the issue. Let us mutually forgive each other. Not necessarily forgiveness but let us expose our mutual mistakes, admit to them, and expose the truth. Compromise can only be done in this manner. This commission can be comprised of intellectuals, bar associations, attorneys that are members of bar associations, experts from medical associations, renowned academics from universities, and professors, for example. If we get to the point of abandoning our weapons, we can only abandon them to a commission such as this one. This commission should facilitate justice and commit to justice. Without justice, who can we abandon our weapons to? Where the State or the organization fall short, the intellectuals may intervene. This is a third area. We have witnessed experiences such as this in various parts of the world such as Sierra Leone, Spain-ETA, Ireland, and South Africa. What they do is play the role of a sort of referee. They force both sides towards a just resolution for peace. Society should work for the resolution of all of these problems. If the process concludes negatively, if it is determined that the efforts for a cease-fire are used for daily politics, a very nasty picture will emerge. We will lose our chance for peace. If a game is to be played, it is certain that the consequences of this game will be very dangerous. There is the possibility of the emergence of dozens of groups that are out of control. This won,t be like the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, either. It will be much worse. There will be such chaos that we will all be overcome by it. I am expressing the possibilities, I am warning that these dangers should be considered and that the process should be approached with this sense of responsibility. Turkey cannot be in a position to enter the European Union before it resolves this issue. As long as the Kurdish issue is left unresolved, as long as Turkey does not resolve its issues in a democratic manner, other issues such as the Cyprus issue, the Armenian issue, the Assuri Syrian issue, the Pontus Greek issue, and other issues will be confronting Turkey. Turkey should show its ability to correctly view and analyze its own reality and the Kurdish reality. Every state that ISTANBUL 00000116 006 OF 006 fails to see these realities will inevitably fall into crisis. For Turkey, to live in a just and democratic state the resolution to existing problems can only be achieved by way of responding to the problems of Kurdish liberation, and in light of the reality that concepts such as justice and freedom can only be achieved in societies where they are shared equally. The important thing is not only for the period of a suspension of conflict to last, but to carry this period to a successful conclusion. Abdullah Ocalan. End text. JONES