ALLEGATIONS OF U.S. "INTERFERENCE" IN HONG KONG

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 HONG KONG 002806 SIPDIS NOFORN SIPDIS DEPARTMENT FOR EAP, EAP/CM NSC FOR DENNIS WILDER E.O. 12958: DECL: 11/09/2032 TAGS: PGOV PREL PINR SOCI CH HK SUBJECT: ALLEGATIONS OF U.S. "INTERFERENCE" IN HONG KONG REF: A. HONG KONG 02596 ¶B. HONG KONG 02701 Classified By: E/P Section Chief Laurent Charbonnet; Reason 1.4 (d)` ¶1. (C) Summary: With the approach of Hong Kong local elections on November 18 and December 2, public criticism of pro-democracy legislator Martin Lee has abated, possibly due to fear of a voter backlash against the harsh commentary. Even before the Lee controversy, however, anti-foreign and anti-U.S. rhetoric in the pro-Beijing press had escalated, especially since PRC President Hu Jintao's October 15 opening address to the Chinese Communist Party's annual congress in which he noted PRC determination to "oppose the interference in Hong Kong and Macau by foreign forces." After the Hu speech, the local pro-Beijing press quickly began to publish more interviews and columns sharply critical of alleged U.S. and other foreign "interference" in Hong Kong. Septel will discuss anti-Americanism and allegations of U.S. interference in Macau. End Summary. ¶2. (C) Comment: With an imminent series of elections - the November 18 district council, December 2 Legco by-election, and the September 2008 Legco general election - allegations of foreign interference in local affairs may be designed to mobilize support for pro-government and pro-Beijing candidates. It also may be influenced by several recent and upcoming events, including the visit of the Dalai Lama to Washington, the approaching presidential election in Taiwan, and attempts by Taiwan-based Falun Gong members to enter Hong Kong. In the medium term, when the debate over reform of Hong Kong's electoral systems and procedures resumes next year, warnings to heighten vigilance against foreign influence might be intended to fend off demands by Hong Kong's pan-democrats for faster and deeper political reform. In the longer term, the Hong Kong Government (HKG) and its pro-Beijing allies may intend to use perceived foreign interference as justification for enactment of Article 23 national security legislation, a Basic Law mandate that was shelved indefinitely following massive July 2003 protests against it. Coincidentally, as Secretary for Security in 2003, Regina Ip -- now the SIPDIS pro-government candidate in next month's Legco by-election -- was the senior HKG official responsible for Article 23 legislation; the vehement public rejection of that plan led to her resignation. ¶3. (C) Comment, continued: Allegations of U.S. and other foreign interference in the Hong Kong press are not a new phenomenon in Hong Kong. For example, on March 4, 2004, Martin Lee and two other Hong Kong legislators testified before the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee on developments in Hong Kong. Shortly thereafter, then-Chief Executive Tung Chee-hwa - now a Vice Chairman of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) - reacted with the following public comment: "Hong Kong's political development is a family affair, it's a country's affair. It's our own affair. Foreigners should not intervene. We cannot tolerate foreign intervention. More so, we should not go overseas and invite foreigners to interfere in our internal affairs." We have no doubt that Tung's sentiments continue to be shared by other members of Hong Kong's pro-Beijing camp. End Comment. Press Attacks on Martin Lee Dying Down -------------- ¶4. (SBU) After a two-week flurry of harsh rhetoric (refs), public criticism of Martin Lee's travel to the U.S., Canada, London, and Brussels, as well as his October 17 "Wall Street Journal" (WSJ) column and the WSJ's subsequent defense of Lee and critique of his critics, seems to have slowed considerably in Hong Kong. The latest, mild salvo came from National People's Congress (NPC) local deputy, Basic Law Committee member, and former Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Protection of Hong Kong (DAB) Vice Chair Maria Tam Wai-chu (a close friend of C.H. Tung),who used a media program to advise public officials whose portfolios did not include mainland affairs to avoid comment on mainland issues, under the "one country, two systems" principle. Tam noted, however, that Lee's recent comments were rather "restrained." Otherwise, the Hong Kong media largely have resumed heavy coverage of the upcoming District Council (November 18) and Legco (December 2) elections, and other local developments. ¶5. (SBU) Taking up the campaign against Lee, however, has been Hong Kong's largest political party, the pro-Beijing DAB. On November 1, the party distributed leaflets attacking HONG KONG 00002806 002 OF 003 Lee and his WSJ commentary, an action which in turn prompted Lee's Democratic Party (DP) to produce its own leaflets defending him and his right to speak. The DP also filed complaints with Hong Kong's Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) and the Registration and Electoral Office, claiming the DAB leaflets distorted the facts and might also contravene election laws. Since those incidents, however, the issue seems to have calmed. Political observers also speculate that the DAB and its allies have toned down their commentary, at least in public, lest they provoke a backlash by voters that would damage their own candidates' chances in those elections. Hu Jintao Address to Party Congress -------------- ¶6. (SBU) Even before the Lee controversy, we noticed an increase in anti-foreign and anti-U.S. rhetoric in the pro-Beijing Hong Kong press, especially since PRC President Hu Jintao's October 15 opening address to the Chinese Communist Party's annual congress. In that speech, Hu said the PRC was determined to "oppose the interference in Hong Kong and Macau by foreign forces." By comparison, in his 2002 address then-President Jiang Zemin merely pledged his full support for the two SAR governments and called for unity to promote prosperity and stability in the two regions. In the days after Hu's October 15 speech, the Hong Kong media quoted explanatory comments by other senior PRC officials: Public Security Minister Zhou Yongkang, for example, reportedly said that such foreign meddling had always existed and was likely to continue. Director Gao Siren of the Central Government Liaison Office (CGLO) in Hong Kong said Hu's "external force" remarks applied to all countries and constituted a warning to those forces. Pro-Beijing Hong Kong Press -------------- ¶7. (SBU) After the Hu speech, more interviews and columns sharply critical of alleged U.S. and other foreign, or external, "interference" in Hong Kong began to appear in the pro-Beijing papers. On October 19, the "Wen Wei Po" (WWP) published a column headlined "Should Take Foreign Forces Interference in Hong Kong Seriously." The writer advised Hong Kong political circles to recognize the negative impact of foreign interference on the "one country two systems" principle and on the development of China. Similarly, on the same day the "Hong Kong Economic Journal" (HKEJ) ran an article headlined "Pan-democratic Group Launches an Attack against SAR Government over Political Reform." Both the WWP and the HKEJ pieces also quoted stories previously published in the "Mirror" magazine (see para 11). ¶8. (SBU) On October 22, the pro-Beijing "Ta Kung Pao" (TKP) newspaper, which had published stories sharply critical of Lee and his activities, expanded its allegations to include several U.S.-funded NGOs. The newspaper printed an interview with CPPCC deputy and Hong Kong Basic Law Committee member Lau Nai-keung in which Lau discussed old claims that the National Democratic Institute (NDI),the National Endowment for Democracy (NED),and Civic Exchange (a Hong Kong NGO),as well as other local organizations, were attempting to promote "U.S.-style democracy" in Hong Kong. Lau claimed "external interference" in Hong Kong, including from Taiwan and other overseas Chinese areas, was "long-lasting," "wide-ranging," and becoming more rampant. Lau, who is believed to be seeking election to either the CPPCC Standing Committee or the NPC early next year, also called for the enactment of Article 23 legislation in Hong Kong. ¶9. (SBU) On October 24, the WWP carried another story entitled "Beware of Foreign Forces Interfering in Hong Kong's Affairs." The author described two groups of such forces: those outside China, including the U.S., the U.K., and the Vatican; and those within China but not in Hong Kong, including the "Taiwan independence forces." The external forces not only directly interfered in Hong Kong and Macau affairs, but also collaborated with "anti-China, disrupting-Hong Kong" forces within Hong Kong. The article listed the FBI, the Heritage Foundation, NED, and the Project for a New American Century as sending people to carry out activities in Hong Kong, actions which it said were inappropriate and illegal without the approval of the local government. The paper claimed that the U.S. Consulate General staff went directly to the Legislative Council to look for opposition party members to discuss plans secretly. ¶10. (SBU) On October 25, "Next" magazine printed an interview HONG KONG 00002806 003 OF 003 with Law Hoi-sing, son of former TKP deputy chief editor Law Fu. According to the article, both Laws had been imprisoned in the PRC for association with foreign forces, especially the U.S. Consulate. The elder Law reportedly had been held under house arrest in Beijing for ten years in the 1980s and 1990s, while his son was imprisoned for five years in the early 1990s for his attempts to assist Chinese students and academics involved in the 1989 Tiananmen Square demonstrations. While the story of the Law family was not new in Hong Kong, the interview reminded readers that Chinese people who "have association with foreign forces" could be treated as law-breakers on the mainland. "Mirror" Magazine -------------- ¶11. (C) Well before Hu Jintao even became president of the PRC, Hong Kong's "Mirror" magazine, formerly published by CPPCC Standing Committee member Xu Simin (who died September 9 at age 93),had been harshly critical of alleged U.S. interference in Hong Kong. Any thought that the magazine's editorial bias might change with Xu's passing, however, was quickly vanquished by its October 1 article entitled "U.S. Consuls in Hong Kong Rally for Anson Chan Fang On-Sang's By-Election Bid." One of a series of three articles attacking Chan, that piece criticized U.S. officials in Hong Kong for directing the "political opera" by coordinating the efforts of other foreign (EU, Canada, Australia, Japan) consulates, telling U.S. consultant firms to conduct opinion polls, and advising local democrats to support Chan's candidacy. The magazine claimed that Chan's political objective, similar to that of Martin Lee, "Apple Daily" publisher Jimmy Lai, and Catholic Cardinal Joseph Zen, was to promote the U.S. strategy of developing a democratic system in Hong Kong, which could impact the mainland. Cunningham