FINLAND'S 2007 ELECTION: CONSERVATIVES MAKE THE

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 HELSINKI 000075 SIPDIS SIPDIS E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: PGOV PREL FI SUBJECT: FINLAND'S 2007 ELECTION: CONSERVATIVES MAKE THE FIRST MOVES IN A QUIET CAMPAIGN SENSITIVE BUT UNCLASSIFIED ¶1. (U) January marked the unofficial opening of Finland's Parliamentary election campaign, and most of the country's eight political parties appear a bit slow coming out of the gate. To be fair, the election is still nearly two months away -- quite a long time, in the Finnish context -- and most candidates and their organizations are still in the early phases of defining agendas. Some first-time candidates have started pounding the pavement in their districts, but many relatively "safe" incumbents admit to us that they are unlikely to begin campaigning in earnest until as late as the final four weeks before the vote. Electioneering is always a low-key affair in this Nordic welfare state, to be sure. The various parties' platforms differ little, if at all; more importantly, clean campaigns, respectful tactics and consensus politics are highly prized by candidates and voters alike. Still, even Finns have commented on what appears to be a notable lack of urgency. ¶2. (SBU) But lest our readers think party politics are actually boring in Finland, we begin our analysis of March's Parliamentary elections with a look at the Conservative Party (CONS) -- which, as an outsider looking in, has certainly stepped out more boldly and more colorfully than the other parties at this early stage. CONS is Finland's third largest party, but after four years in opposition it desperately wants to return to government. Early polls, press gossip and rumors within all the parties suggest, however, that the incumbent Center Party (CEN) / Social Democratic (SDP) coalition will be difficult to dislodge, and CONS strategists admit that they face very long odds. The governing CEN-SDP coalition has presided over good economic times; the SDP boasts, by most accounts, the nation's best electoral machinery; and CEN Prime Minster Matti Vanhanen has rebounded in stunning fashion from the thumping he took in last year's Presidential elections to become Finland's single most popular politician going into March's contest. Perhaps more importantly, senior SDP and CEN politicians have openly stated that they like the current working relationship and believe it works for the country as a whole. The Niinisto Factor -------------- ¶3. (U) Still, CONS has made some early splashes. By far 
the biggest has been the surprise candidacy of Sauli Niinisto, the popular former finance minister and EU central banker who almost scored a dramatic upset victory in last year's Presidential election. Incumbent Tarja Halonen (SDP),an icon in Finland with especially strong support from women across the political spectrum, was widely expected to win re-election in a landslide. Niinisto's brash, energetic campaign focused on security policy, entrepreneurship, Finland's "European" identity, and a rejection of the isolationist or exceptionalist strain in SDP politics. The Conservatives were particularly successful in appealing to younger voters, effectively countering a trend in which the SDP had been the "hip choice" for younger Finns. After losing to President Tarja Halonen by fewer than three percentage points, Niinisto vowed to quit politics once and for all. However, his unexpected return to the ring has provided a shot in the arm for the Conservatives at the polls, and even other party strategists expect CONS to pick up at least two additional places in the 200-seat Parliament on the strength of Niinisto's coattails alone. Niinisto, a great campaigner, has chosen to run in the Uusimaa district, Finland's largest and most competitive -- and the home of Niinisto's biggest rival, CEN Chairman and Prime Minister Matti Vanhanen. ¶4. (SBU) But if Niinisto's entry in the race has CEN and SDP looking over their shoulders, it has also caused an unwelcome disturbance within his own party. The Conservatives' Party Leader is the young (35 years old), capable and charismatic Jyrki Katainen -- but Niinisto is the closest thing in Finland to a superstar. Except in the rarest of circumstances, party leaders automatically serve as prime ministerial candidates, and both Katainen and Niinisto have gone to great lengths publicly to make clear that Jyrki (often referred to in the press as "Jyrki-Boy") is in charge. However, in a recent poll in which voters were hypothetically asked, "Who would make the best Prime Minister?", Katainen ran a distant third. (Vanhanen clocked in at a whopping 44%, compared to 12% for SDP Chair Eero Heinaluoma and a mere HELSINKI 00000075 002 OF 003 9% for Katainen. Comment: Heinaluoma's poor showing -- and his widely-rumored unpopularity within his own party -- also represent internal wild cards for the SDP and will be examined septel.) More strikingly, almost a third of self-identified CONS voted indicated a preference for Niinisto as their PM candidate despite his name not even being on the poll questionnaire. While our contacts within CONS have nothing but respect for Katainen, some strategists are already whispering about the potential need for a change in leadership if CONS has any hope of returning to government. Power struggles are not common or welcome in Finnish politics, but one may indeed loom for the Conservatives. BOURGEOIS COOPERATION OR, MY FRIEND'S BEST ENEMY -------------- -- ¶5. (SBU) Leadership squabbles notwithstanding, CONS has also managed to roil the waters by resurrecting a call for a "non-socialist" alliance -- or "bourgeois cooperation," as the Finns are fond of saying -- to defeat the SDP. A year ago, after finishing a lonely third in the Presidential elections, PM Vanhanen shocked the SDP by asking CEN voters to back Niinisto, despite his close relationship with his SDP coalition partners and his renowned cooperation with President Halonen. The move almost gave Niinisto the victory. This time, the "non-socialist" trial balloon was floated by Conservative MEP Alex Stubb (a close personal friend of Niinisto),who called on CONS and CEN to join forces with two small parties -- the Swedish People's Party (SPP) and the Christian Democrats (CDP)-- to form a right-leaning coalition. Stubb even offered as a model the coalition that unseated the SDP in Sweden last year. (NOTE: Unlike in much of Europe, the CDP is tiny in Finland, currently holding six seats in parliament.) ¶6. (SBU) "Bourgeois cooperation" may ultimately be a tough sell. A Finland-Gallup poll quickly revealed that while 42% of voters favor an SDP-CONS governing coalition, only 18% supported CONS-CEN combination. Our contacts in the small SPP and CDP tell us they are not overly interested in being swallowed up by what would amount to a big party alliance, and without them CEN and CONS would both have to increase significantly their share of seats in Parliament (in which case, the CDP and SPP would probably be happy to jump on the bandwagon). More importantly, the only thing that really unites CONS and CEN in Finland is the desire to beat the SDP. Generalizing grossly, Center Party voters are rural and agricultural; very conservative on social issues; adamantly opposed to nuclear power, EU enlargement and Finnish NATO membership; and staunch supporters of high taxes and the welfare state, so long as they translate into farm subsidies and good rural transportation infrastructure. Generalizing again, Conservative voters are overwhelmingly urban and business based; arguably Finland's most liberal on social issues; pro-nuke, pro- EU and even pro-NATO; and staunch supporters of the welfare state, so long as there are the appropriate tax breaks for entrepreneurs. And in the end, CEN and SDP have made good bedfellows over the past four years and show every sign of wanting to continue that relationship. (Comment: Another small-party wild card will be the Greens, who badly want to get into government -- possibly as a replacement for the SPP. Septel will look in further detail at the small-party dynamic.) SDP TEMPERS FLARE -------------- ¶7. (SBU) The idea nonetheless prompted emotional responses from the SDP. Foreign Minister Erkki Tuomioja -- who has emerged from Finland's EU Presidency as an enormously popular candidate who could create some coattails of his own -- told journalists that he was not interested in an SDP-CONS government and accused the Conservatives of having turned "hard to the right" since the 2003 election. SDP Interior Minister Rajamaki stepped outside the bounds of Finnish consensus politics by stating publicly that a CEN-CONS coalition would offer policies and values that "threaten primarily Finland's internal security." As for the CEN reaction, PM Vanhanen has played down any discussion of "bourgeois" cooperation (his stunt in the Presidential elections notwithstanding),although few observers have failed to notice that his senior advisor for economic affairs has been one of the few outspoken CEN voices arguing in favor of a CONS-CEN alliance. COMMENT HELSINKI 00000075 003 OF 003 -------------- ¶8. (U) The Finnish campaign will likely pick up steam once the current Parliament finishes its final session in early February and the parties begin going at it in earnest. In particular, a series of televised debates will give voters the opportunity to take a closer look at the men and women who would be Finland's next PM, and to hear their parties' platforms and positions on key issues. Subsequent telegrams will look at the personalities and strategies of the other large parties, the role of the small parties, key personalities, and impacts on US interests. WARE