SCENE-SETTER FOR A/S SULLIVAN'S VISIT TO

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 05 ASHGABAT 000781 SIPDIS SENSITIVE SIPDIS FOR EEB ASSISTANT SECRETARY DANIEL SULLIVAN STATE ALSO FOR S/CEN, SCA/RA E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: PREL PGOV MARR ECON ENRG KDEM TX SUBJECT: SCENE-SETTER FOR A/S SULLIVAN'S VISIT TO TURKMENISTAN, AUGUST 13-14 REF: ASHGABAT 0777 ASHGABAT 00000781 001.2 OF 005 ¶1. (U) Sensitive but unclassified. Not for public Internet. ¶2. (SBU) Embassy Ashgabat warmly welcomes you to Turkmenistan. On August 13, you will head the U.S. delegation that participates in the opening ceremony of the new border-crossing point between Turkmenistan and Afghanistan at Imamnazar. On August 14, you will have high-level government meetings in Ashgabat. The schedule will be intense, but we are certain that your visit will advance U.S. foreign policy. BORDER SECURITY ¶3. (SBU) Bilateral cooperation on border security is one of the lesser known success stories of our Mission in Turkmenistan. The program is part of the Central Asia Counter Narcotics Strategy of the U.S. Central Command in conjunction with Embassy Ashgabat. For 11 years, the Embassy's Defense Attache Office, the Nevada National Guard, and Expeort Control and Border Security (EXBS) have cooperated to better secure Turkmenistan's borders to promote regional integration and international commerce, while providing a deterrent to illegal trafficking of narcotics, weapons of mass destruction, persons, and contraband. The $2.4 million border post at Altyn Asyr on the border with Iran was completed and handed over in November 2006. The $1.8 million post at Imamnazar (with an additional $650,000 from the United Nations) will be handed over on August 13. Work on the $3.2 million post at Farap on the border with Uzbekistan is scheduled to begin in September. Besides building the infrastructure, the United States provides extensive training and state-of-the-art equipment, including radiation portal monitors, contraband detection kits, hand-held radiation detectors, personal radiation pagers, patrol vehicles, and water vehicles. An additional bonus from the participation of the Nevada National Guard during the past 11 years has been more that $1 million in exchanges between the citizens of Turkmenistan and the United States. (NOTE: See reftel paras 15-23 for greater detail on bilateral security cooperation. END NOTE.) ENERGY RESOURCES ¶4. (SBU) Turkmenistan has world-class natural gas reserves, but Russia's monopoly of its energy exports has left Turkmenistan receiving less than the world price and overly beholden to Russia. Pipeline diversification, including both a pipeline to China proposed for 2009 and the possibility of resurrecting plans for Trans-Caspian and Trans-Afghanistan pipelines that would avoid the Russian routes, and construction of high-power electricity lines to transport excess energy to Turkmenistan's neighbors, including Afghanistan, would not only enhance Turkmenistan's economic and political sovereignty, but also help fuel new levels of prosperity throughout the region. Berdimuhamedov has told U.S. interlocutors he recognizes the need for more options and has taken the first steps to this end, but he also took the first steps needed to increase the volume of gas exports to Russia -- agreeing in principle to build a new littoral pipeline -- during the May tripartite summit in Turkmenbashy. ASHGABAT 00000781 002.2 OF 005 He will require encouragement and assistance from the international community if he is to maintain a course of diversification in the face of almost certain Russian efforts to keep Turkmenistan from weaning itself away from Russia. TURKMENISTAN POST-NIYAZOV ¶5. (SBU) A hydrocarbon-rich state that shares borders with Afghanistan and Iran, Turkmenistan in the midst of an historic political transition. The unexpected death of President Niyazov on December 21, 2006, ended the authoritarian, one-man dictatorship that by the end of his life had made Turkmenistan's government among the most repressive in the world. The peaceful transfer of power following Niyazov's death confounded many who had predicted instability because the former president had no succession plan. President Berdimuhamedov quickly assumed power following Niyazov's death with the assistance of the "power ministries" -- including the Ministries of National Security and Defense, and the Presidential Guard. His position was subsequently confirmed through a public election in which the population eagerly participated, even though it did not meet international standards. NIYAZOV'S LEGACY ¶6. (SBU) Berdimuhamedov inherited a country that former President Niyazov had come close to running into the ground. Niyazov siphoned off much of Turkmenistan's hydrocarbon proceeds into non-transparent slush funds used, in part, to finance his massive construction program in Ashgabat at the expense of the country's education and health-care systems. Politically, his increasing paranoia -- particularly after the 2002 armed attack on his motorcade -- led to high-speed revolving-door personnel changes at the provincial and national level, and an obsessive inclination to micro-manage the details of government. Criticizing or questioning Niyazov's decisions was treated as disloyalty, and could be grounds for removal from jobs, if not worse. Niyazov's "neutral" foreign policy led to Turkmenistan's political and economic isolation from the rest of the world, and his policies calling for mandatory increases in cotton and wheat production led to destructive agricultural and water-use policies that left some of Turkmenistan's arable land salty and played-out. EDUCATION -- "DIMMER PEOPLE EASIER TO RULE" ¶7. (SBU) Niyazov's attacks on the educational system grew increasingly destructive in his later years. The Soviet-era educational system was broadly turned into a system designed to isolate students from the outside world and to mold them into loyal Turkmen-speaking presidential thralls. President Niyazov famously defended this policy when, in 2004, he told a fellow Central Asian president, "Dimmer people are easier to rule." Niyazov's destruction of his country's education system included cutting the Soviet standard of ten years of compulsory education to nine, firing large numbers of teachers, and introducing his own works as core curriculum at the expense of the traditional building blocks of a basic education. He slashed higher education to two years of study and discouraged foreign study by refusing to recognize ASHGABAT 00000781 003.2 OF 005 foreign academic degrees. Taken together, these steps created a "lost generation" of under-educated youth ill-equipped to help Turkmenistan take its place on the world stage. RULE OF LAW -- A LOW BAR ¶8. (SBU) Niyazov seriously harmed Turkmenistan's political system. His capricious authoritarianism left a legacy of corrupt officials lacking initiative, accountability, and -- in many cases -- the expertise needed to do their jobs. Young officials who came of age after Niyazov's destructive changes to the education system are particularly deficient in skills and broader world vision needed to facilitate Turkmenistan's entry into the international community. Many laws lack transparency and provision for oversight and recourse. The population's lack of understand of the meaning of rule of law has left the bar low in terms of citizens' expectations of their government. BERDIMUHAMEDOV BEGINS TO REBUILD THE SYSTEM ¶9. (SBU) Berdimuhamedov still pays nominal lip service to maintaining his predecessor's policies, but he has started reversing many of the most destructive, especially in the areas of education, health, and social welfare. He has restored -- and in many cases -- increased old-age pensions that Niyazov had largely eliminated. The president is embarking on a course of hospital-building, with the main focus on improving medical facilities in Turkmenistan's five provinces. To this end, he has already authorized construction of five provincial mother-and-children (maternity) hospitals. He has also publicly committed to improve rural infrastructure and to ensure that every village has communications, electricity and running water. ¶10. (SBU) In education, Berdimuhamedov is reversing many of the policies Niyazov ordered him to implement while he served as Deputy Chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers for Education. Since his inauguration, Berdimuhamedov has ordered a return to the compulsory standard of ten years' education, a return of universities to fivQyears of classroom study, and a new emphasis on exchange programs and the hard sciences. On July 13, he called for recognition of foreign academic degrees, a major step which would allow exchange students to receive credit for their overseas study. The goal is to repair Turkmenistan's broken education system as quickly as possible and to give the country the educated workforce that it needs to compete commercially. These efforts, however, are hampered by old-thinking bureaucrats, especially in the Ministry of Education, who sometimes block or otherwise impede foreign assistance programs. This may perhaps be a legacy of the culture of xenophobia Niyazov had encourage. ELIMINATING THE CULT OF PERSONALITY ¶11. (SBU) Berdimuhamedov has incrementally started dismantling Niyazov's cult of personality. Huge posters of the deceased president are beginning to be removed from public buildings, and references to Niyazov's "literary" works, especially the Ruhnama, are less frequent and probably will fade away over time. The new president has banned the ASHGABAT 00000781 004.2 OF 005 huge stadium gatherings in his honor and requirement for students and government workers to line the streets, often for hours, along presidential motorcade routes. That said, in some places, Niyazov's picture has been replaced by Berdimuhamedov's, and the new president's quotes are now replacing Ruhnama quotations on newspaper mastheads. These are practices common in Central Asia and do not constitute a Cult of Personality. FIRST STAGES OF POLITICAL REFORM ¶12. (SBU) Berdimuhamedov has been begun replacing the ministers he inherited from Niyazov. His focus seems to be on finding better-qualified individuals. He has established a state commission to review complaints of citizens against law enforcement agencies, which could potentially become a point of redress against law enforcement organs' most egregious abuses. He also has slowly begun to walk back some of the most restrictive controls on movement within the country, first removing police checkpoints on the roads between cities, then -- on July 13 -- eliminating the requirement for Turkmenistan's citizens to obtain permits to travel to border zones (however, the permit system remains in force for foreigners). Although the president has been slower to strengthen the rule of law, correct Turkmenistan's previous human rights and religious freedom record, and promote economic reform, he has told U.S. officials he wants to "turn the page" on the bilateral relationship and is willing to work on areas that hindered improved relations under Niyazov. He has approved an unprecedented number of visits by U.S. delegations since he took office, including those directed toward promoting change. FOREIGN POLICY: A NEW FOCUS ON ENGAGEMENT ¶13. (SBU) Notwithstanding his statements that he plans to continue the "neutrality" policies of his predecessor, Berdimuhamedov -- probably at the advice of Deputy Chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers and Foreign Minister Rashit Meredov -- has put a virtually unprecedented emphasis on foreign affairs. Indeed, Berdimuhamedov has met or spoken by telephone with all the leaders in the region -- including with President Aliyev of Azerbaijan, with whom Niyazov maintained a running feud. He has exchanged visits with Russia's President Putin, and held a high-profile gas summit with Putin and Kazakhstan's President Nazarbayev in Turkmenistan's Caspian seaside city of Turkmenbashy (Krasnovodsk). China has a strong and growing commercial presence in Turkmenistan, and continues to court Berdimuhamedov through a series of high-level commercial and political visits. In mid-July, Berdimuhamedov made a state visit to China, focused mainly on natural gas and pipeline deals. While Turkey has given Berdimuhamedov top-level treatment, including an invitation to Ankara, its relationship with Turkmenistan continues to be colored more by the image of its lucrative trade and construction contracts that are siphoning hundreds of millions of dollars away from state budgets here than by generous development assistance or fraternal support. Berdimuhamedov has also held positive meetings with high-level U.S. State Department officials and leaders of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and United Nations to discuss ASHGABAT 00000781 005.2 OF 005 areas of potential assistance. He met with UN High Commissioner on Human Rights Louise Arbour in May, the Head of the OSCE's Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR),Christian Strohal, and agreed to a visit by the UN's Special Rapporteur on Religious Freedom at an as-yet undetermined date. U.S. POLICY ¶14. (SBU) U.S. policy in Turkmenistan is three-fold: -- Encourage democratic reform and increased respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, including support for improvements in the education and health systems; -- Encourage economic reform and growth of a market economy and private-sector agriculture, as well as diversification of Turkmenistan's energy export options; and -- Promote security cooperation. In raising human rights concerns, the United States: -- Encourages further relaxation of Niyaz-era abuses and restrictions on freedom of movement; -- Promotes greater religious freedom, including registration of unrecognized groups like the Roman Catholic Church, and making legal provision for conscientious objectors; and -- Advocates the growth of civil society by urging the government to register Turkmenistani non-governmental organizations. HOAGLAND