GOVERNMENT GETS RESOUNDING VOTE OF CONFIDENCE AS

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 AMMAN 004961 SIPDIS SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 12/16/2017 TAGS: PGOV KDEM ECON JO SUBJECT: GOVERNMENT GETS RESOUNDING VOTE OF CONFIDENCE AS PERENNIAL SKEPTICS START DOUBTING REF: A. AMMAN 4772 ¶B. AMMAN 4737 ¶C. AMMAN 4559 ¶D. AMMAN 4693 AMMAN 00004961 001.2 OF 003 Classified By: Ambassador David Hale for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d). ¶1. (C) Summary. After presenting its platform to the newly elected parliament, the Dahabi government had its vote of confidence - by a historically high margin. Pledged to phase-out fuel and fodder subsidies early in 2008, the government is already facing skepticism in some quarters about its ability to deliver ON the key issues that matter to average Jordanians. A cynical political elite is already talking about weakness, aloof tendencies, and lack of political skill, although polls show that the population is willing to give the government a chance. Some are suggesting that the government is being set up to fail. For its part, the parliament is also facing its share of skeptics, who predict that it will struggle with inexperience and bow to parochial concerns rather than focus ON the larger needs of the people. In the end, the new government may be judged by its political acumen rather than its ability to deliver ON economic reforms. End Summary. Government Gets Vote of Confidence -------------- ¶2. (U) ON December 16, the government of Nader Dahabi was given a vote of confidence in Jordan's lower house of parliament. 97 of 110 deputies supported the government, with six deputies from the Islamic Action Front (IAF) voting against the new cabinet as expected. Five independents voted against the government, one abstained, and one was out of the country. While not unexpected, the number of votes for the government was historically high - recent confidence votes were in the high eighties. ¶3. (U) The process began ON December 11, when newly appointed PM Nader Dahabi presented the policy statement of his government to the parliament. The statement largely reflected the issues put forth in the King's speech ON December 2 (Ref A). Dahabi reiterated the government's intent to FOLLOW through ON cutting subsidies, but at the same time outlined a series of measures designed to mute their impact. These include increases in public sector salaries (to the tune of USD 434 million),a social safety net to offset the lifting of subsidies, and a new package of investment incentives. Responding to the King's challenge to the government ON the creation of more affordable housing, Dahabi announced several measures such as land grants and a new tenancy law that are designed to ease Jordan's housing crunch. ¶4. (U) As is traditional, parliamentarians were given several days to comment ON the PM's statement before the official vote of confidence. The overwhelming sense of these comments was positive, complementing the King ON his good judgment in choosing cabinet members and lauding their economic program. (This atmosphere contrasts with the tone encountered by the three previous cabinets, which was hostile and skeptical, even though the confidence votes were delivered.) Still, there were distinct warnings that the government must address the issue of the economy sooner rather than later. "(There is) no way but to doubt the government's ability to translate its policy statement into reality ON the ground. I am afraid that these plans and projects will just remain ink ON paper," said deputy Bassam Al-Manaseer. Several deputies called for linking government salaries to inflation. Others talked about the need for greater political openness and a new elections law which would promote political parties. ¶5. (C) Given Dahabi's honesty about the government's intent to eliminate subsidies, it is recognized by a broad spectrum of contacts both within the government and in Jordanian society that the next six to eight months will be very difficult politically and economically in Jordan. With the lifting of subsidies in fuel and other staples set to come into effect in early 2008, Jordanians are bracing for the worst. Bishr Khasawneh, head of the Europe and Americas bureau at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, echoes many in society and government when he says, "I wish I could say that this is an optimistic period." Like most officials in Jordan's government, he recognizes that assistance from the United States and Saudi Arabia will not be able to cover Jordan's budgetary gap, and that the deficit will necessarily increase in the near term. The New Cabinet: Dream Team or Straw Men? -------------- AMMAN 00004961 002.3 OF 003 ¶6. (C) In a poll conducted by the University of Jordan affiliated Center for Strategic Studies (JCSS),62 percent of respondents expressed confidence in the Dahabi government. In comparison with previous governments, this puts the current cabinet well within the average for incoming administrations. Yet behind the scenes, many political contacts and average people are concerned about the cabinet's ability to deal with looming economic problems, especially when they overlap with political concerns. ¶7. (C) Contacts see the composition of the new cabinet as a clear reaction from the Royal Court to popular views ON the economy from the election campaign (Ref C). In the JCSS poll, almost seventy percent of respondents cited the economy or unemployment as the main issue that the new cabinet must deal with. While there is hope that the technical expertise represented in the cabinet will translate to tangible benefits for the most vulnerable Jordanians, the most common tone among our interlocutors is worry. "We're with them," says Talal Al-Damen, a tribal chieftain from Irbid, yet he wonders how the cabinet will tackle economic problems that have roots in Jordan's political and cultural system. ¶8. (C) A consistent strain of criticism among contacts is that the preponderance of technocrats (rather than political figures) in the new government will ultimately impact its effectiveness. Al-Arab Al-Yawm columnist Fahd Kitan wrote in a December 9 column that "the new Prime Minister does not show great interest in political topics, unlike his predecessor." Palestinian-Jordanian activist Jemal Refai says that the cabinet is composed of "decent people," but worries that the lack of seasoned politicians will lead it to make decisions that it will not be able to sell to the people. Former parliamentarian Yunus Al-Jamra calls the new government "unqualified" to deal with Jordan's problems, which he defined as at root political rather than economic. He suggests that the sole qualification for most cabinet members seems to be their closeness to the Royal Court (code for Bassem Awadallah) and their much-vaunted ability to work harmoniously, rather than their political skills, which will be needed when it comes time to sell tough economic decisions to the people. "These are political jobs, they should be filled by politicians," he argues. "The technocrats should be at the working level. Higher level positions require managers who have vision, not merely implementers." The technocrats are also criticized for being disconnected from the common people and failing to take the needs of the broad populace into account - although this is more reflective of anxieties about the upcoming economic adjustment process than any specific failing of any particular minister. ¶9. (C) For all of these reasons, contacts are already suggesting that the current government is constrained. Jordanian governments rarely last longer than a year without at least a cabinet reshuffle, but editorials and some among the chattering classes are putting this cabinet's tenure at less than nine months. Parliamentarian Mohammed Al-Kouz calls the new cabinet "weak" and a "transition government" that is designed to endure a short period of extreme unpopularity while Jordan's economic problems are being worked out. Fellow parliamentarian Falak Jemani calls the new cabinet "a bunch of unknowns" and predicts that its tenure will be short. Deputy Speaker of Parliament Mamdouh Abbadi theorizes that the new cabinet is there merely to minimize the damage caused by the lifting of subsidies, after which it will be cast aside. The "Let Them Eat Cake" Parliament -------------- ¶10. (C) In addition to the views outlined in Ref B, impressions of the new parliament are starting to take hold both among its members and in Jordan's political elite. In general, contacts note that the new parliament is dominated by several overlapping archetypes, including tribal chieftains, rich businessmen, and older establishment politicians. "Most of the deputies are not politicians and there is a wide gap between them and their constituents," says commentator Nahed Hattar. Union leader Fathallah Umrani echoes the reaction of many contacts when he calls the new parliament a "cocktail" without a particular theme or goal. The sudden surge in wealthy business leaders in particular is striking to many contacts. Former parliamentarian Yunus Al-Jamra called the new body the "let them eat cake" parliament. ¶11. (C) Deputy Speaker Mamdouh Abbadi predicted that the new parliament will be "only ten percent better" than the previous grouping when it comes to passing needed legislation and representing the interests of the people. Fathallah Umrani says that with tribal loyalties dominant in the new AMMAN 00004961 003.2 OF 003 lower house, no one should expect a serious up-tick in the amount of legislation. Instead, parliament is likely to bend to the will of whatever government is there to lead it. MP Mohammed Al-Kouz agrees, saying that "this is the government's parliament - whatever they say, goes." Al-Kouz points to the large number of freshman deputies and the relative absence of the Islamic Action Front (IAF) as proof that the new parliament will contain no credible opposition to speak of. Comment -------------- ¶12. (C) The high percentage of deputies who voted for the government masks the underlying skepticism many in Jordan's political elite share when it comes to the new cabinet. That skepticism is a knee-jerk instinct for many, and there is little to suggest that the government's detractors have a better plan (other than their own elevation to high office). It is also true that those who criticize the lack of political savvy within the new government are themselves politicians who may be looking for an opening, and that previous governments in Jordan failed because they couldn't or wouldn't work together as a team. It is somewhat ironic that harmony and chemistry are being criticized as criteria in the makeup of the new Dahabi government even before it gets down to work. Still, there is a valid question as to whether the new government has the political skill necessary to get broad based buy-in from the Jordanian people ON difficult decisions. Contacts are genuinely optimistic that the technocrats can deliver ON the policy front, but hunger for an accompanying dialogue about the future of Jordan. The assumption behind this is that Jordan's economic problems have political roots, and that a certain amount of political acumen is needed to address the underlying concerns that are expressed in the "safe" vocabulary of economics. The new cabinet was chosen mainly ON the basis of its economic agenda. Yet in the end, it will likely be judged by its political ability to sell that agenda to the Jordanian people through political means. Hale