ETHIOPIA: GOE ADDRESSES RELIGIOUS CONFLICT IN JIMA

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 ADDIS ABABA 001381

SIPDIS

SIPDIS

DEPARTMENT FOR AF/E AND DRL: SJOSEPH
LONDON, PARIS, ROME FOR AFRICA WATCHER
CJTF-HOA FOR POLAD

E.O. 12958: DECL: 05/07/2017
TAGS: PGOV PHUM PTER KISL KIRF ET
SUBJECT: ETHIOPIA: GOE ADDRESSES RELIGIOUS CONFLICT IN JIMA
ZONE, LOCALS STILL SCARED

REF: A. ADDIS ABABA 02911 (NOTAL)

B. ADDIS ABABA 00956 (NOTAL)

C. ADDIS ABABA 01166

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Classified By: Pol-Econ Counselor Kevin Sullivan
Reason: 1.4 (d)


1. (SBU) SUMMARY: In a three-day visit to the Jima area in
Ethiopia's Oromiya Region, Poloff and FSN met with local
government and religious leaders to better understand the
causes of recurrent religious conflicts, including an October
2006 machete attack by Muslims that killed or injured 36
Christians. There was little evidence to support previous
GoE suggestions that the outlawed Oromo Liberation Front had
a hand in stirring up religious hatred. Most agree that a
new, extremist brand of Islam has seeped into the Oromiya
Region, likely from the Middle East or Sudan, and that the
aggravating issue around Jima seemed to be complicit local
government administrators. Following the violence, the GoE
made large-scale changes to local leadership and maintains a
heightened security presence to help quell potential future
outbreaks. Locals remained concerned about not only existing
tensions between Muslims and Christians, but also strong GoE
pressure on opposition groups. END SUMMARY

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LOCAL DEMOGRAPHICS SHOW POSSIBLE DIVIDE LINES
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2. (SBU) Religious-based conflict in western Oromiya erupted
in September and October of 2006. Clashes during an
Ethiopian Orthodox Church (EOC) holiday celebration resulted
in armed conflict between Muslim and Christian groups,
killing four Muslims and six Christians, injuring many, and
resulting in numerous churches burned (ref A). Later, on
October 15, in the town of Beshesha (approximately 30 miles
from Jima city),during another EOC celebration, dozens of
machete- and pistol-wielding aggressors stormed an EOC
church, setting it ablaze. As churchgoers fled, many were
captured by the armed Muslims who forced them to either
immediately renounce Christianity and accept Islam, or be
killed. Six Christians died from brutal machete attacks,
while more than 30 others were wounded. Several attackers
were subsequently arrested and sentenced to the death penalty
or stiff jail terms by a local court. Regional and federal
police have moved into the area in large numbers to boost
security and prevent additional attacks.


3. (SBU) No further clashes were reported until late March
2007, when one Evangelical preacher was killed in the city of
Jima. Details were unclear, and at the time of Poloff and
FSN's visit, no contacts in Addis Ababa had a clear answer
for what had happened or whether arrests had been made.


4. (SBU) On the surface it appeared that these conflicts were
simply religious. However, Ethiopia, and particularly the
Jima zone, has a long history of these two religions
coexisting peacefully. Jima zone is primarily Muslim
(estimated up to 85%),but Jima city and several other urban
centers have significant Christian populations, both EOC and
Evangelical. Religion tends to follow ethnic lines, with
indigenous Oromos largely Muslim, while settlers from the
"highlands" (i.e. Amhara and Tigray Regions) support the EOC.
Evangelicals are a mix of local former animists, as well as
some Muslim and Christian converts both from Oromiya and the
highlands. Traditionally the area did not have a great deal
of political unrest. Despite the likely presence of the
outlawed Oromo Liberation Front (OLF),Jima is not reported
to be an OLF stronghold, unlike other parts of Oromiya. In
the 2005 elections, legal opposition parties did gain some
foothold, with the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD)
(which draws much of its support from Amhara voters) securing
two federal parliamentary seats from Jima. The complicated
mix of religions, ethnicities, and political parties in this
area led some to theorize that the recent conflicts were not
simply religious in nature (ref A).

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GOE POINTS TO FOREIGN INFLUENCE, OLF
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5. (SBU) Newly-installed Jima zonal administrator

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Mohammed-nur Abachebsa said that the clash in Beshesha was
both religious and political. Over the last several years,
Ethiopians returning from Sudan, Saudi Arabia and other parts
of the Middle East have spread a more extremist version of
Islam, he said. They created a new sect in Ethiopia related
to Wahhabism, called "Kewariat." This has split the local
Muslim community, as this new group differs strongly from the
more moderate Muslims that were traditionally the majority in
the area. Mohammed-nur claimed that the OLF, to foster
unrest and mobilize support, are utilizing this split by
supporting the extremists. Funding from abroad, as well as
from the OLF, has helped to develop a strong following for
the new extremist Muslims, he said.


6. (SBU) Though he did not have details regarding the March
2007 Evangelist killing, Mohammed-nur said that the attackers
follow the Kewariat sect that was responsible for the October
2006 event in Beshesha. For those involved in the church
attack in Beshesha, justice has been swift, Mohammed noted,
with a large number of arrests made and many found guilty.
Four received the death penalty, four received life in
prison, while others received sentences from two to 20 years.
Additionally, he said a "Peace and Security Committee" (PSC)
had been formed to repair the damage to the community. At
the zonal level, representatives from the government, Muslim
and Christian faiths, Elders, and women's and youth groups,
formed a six-person panel with the goal of organizing events
and programs aimed at bridging the religious divide. This
structure is to be replicated at every woreda (county) and
kebele (district),so that all communities would be involved.
Mohammed-nur said a number of local woreda and kebele
administrators had been changed due to their inability to
prevent such conflicts. The work of the PSC, together with
the newly appointed administrators, helped to "stabilize the
situation," in the zone, he said.

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MUSLIM AND ORTHODOX LEADERS STICK TO PARTY LINE
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7. (SBU) Local EOC and the Ethiopian Islamic Affairs Supreme
Council (EIASC) leaders echoed the zonal administrator's
claims. (NOTE: Both organizations, at least at higher
levels, are widely believed to be under the influence of the
GoE. END NOTE.) Both groups stated that those responsible
for the Beshesha attack, as well as the more recent Jima
killing, were "a few rotten apples" from the new Kewariat
sect. Hajji Abuyazid Hajji Kiar of the EIASC described some
of the sect's unique tenets: the establishment a Muslim
government; refusal to pay taxes; ban on eating any food made
by the labor of an animal. Regarding the recent killing in
Jima, Hajji Abuyazid claimed that an evangelist walked into a
local mosque with his shoes on and proclaimed that "Jesus is
savior." As a result, Muslims in the mosque attacked him and
beat him to death. To date, no arrests have been made.
Hajji Abuyazid agreed that the OLF has a direct interest
fomenting the increasing Islamic fundamentalism to
destabilize the government. Both leaders said that their
work as PSC members has helped calm the situation and that
they were pleased with the arrests and sentences of those
involved with the Beshesha attack.


8. (SBU) Abuna Estifanos of the EOC noted that the number of
mosques is growing very quickly (2,700 mosques versus 261 EOC
churches in SW Ethiopia),and that they are often funded from
abroad. Many of these new mosques are deliberately being
built near or on EOC land, leading to conflicts like the one
near Jima in September, he claimed. Despite the influx of
radical Islam over the last six years, he said, local
government leaders (nearly all Muslims) were reluctant to
restrain these groups as their political power grew. In many
cases, including Beshesha, kebele leaders were involved with
the groups, he claimed. Following the Beshesha incident,
over 100 kebele leaders, numerous woreda administrators, and
the Jima zonal administrator, were all fired or rotated to
other districts, at the order of the regional administration,
he said.

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LACK OF PREVENTION, STRONG RESPONSE BY GOE
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9. (SBU) Essey Miressa, local head of the Evangelical Mekane
Yesus Church, agreed that much of the problem stems from
Ethiopians, as well as some foreigners, bringing extremist
Islam from Saudi Arabia. He also repeated claims that local
administrators had been co-opted by these groups and were
left powerless to control their expansion. The EIASC is
equally powerless, he noted, since very few Muslims follow
their leadership. A member of the PSC, he said that it was
inactive and "more about security than peace." The committee
comprises mostly GoE representatives instead of religious
leaders, and simply monitors local populations rather than
developing community-building programs, he complained. Essey
Miressa criticized judgments given to the perpetrators of the
Beshesha attack: those from other regions were given the
harshest sentences, while locals were given much lighter
punishment, or none at all. This was done to give the
impression of justice, but also to avoid upsetting the local
Muslim population. He dismissed claims of OLF involvement
with extremists or the events in Beshesha. There was little
evidence of OLF presence in the area, he said, and "People in
the Jima zone associate with Islam, and to a much lesser
extent being Oromo." While most political opposition in the
area are CUD supporters and many began to associate CUD with
highlanders after the election, he does not believe ethnicity
played a role in the conflicts. It was "100 percent a
religious issue," Essey Miressa concluded, as shown by the
incident in Jima. He said the Evangelist killed was an
acquaintance of his, and was simply speaking to a fellow
evangelist outside a mosque when a mob of Muslim youth
attacked him, dragged him in the mosque, and beat him to
death.


10. (SBU) The local representative of the Ethiopian Human
Rights Council, Addisu Desta, was the only contact that
believed ethnicity played a role in these conflicts. (NOTE:
EHRCO, while a reliable human rights watchdog, is considered
close to the Amhara-based CUD opposition party. END NOTE.)
EHRCO agreed that rising extremism has roots from abroad, but
said that the local government did not discourage messages
that "highlanders should return to where they came from"
being preached in local mosques. Addisu said that this
therefore effectively targeted the base CUD support in the
area. "Muslims knew that the government was anti-CUD and
therefore would look the other way when these events were
planned," he claimed. "The government does not want the
region totally out of control, but their strong response (to
the Beshesha event) gives them the opportunity to show they
are in control," he concluded. He also disagreed that the
OLF had any involvement, as they have little presence around
Jima.

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LOCALS STILL AFRAID OF NEIGHBORS
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11. (SBU) Poloff and FSN also met with local religious and
community leaders in the village of Beshesha and the local
woreda capital Agaro. Local EIASC representatives repeated
many of the same claims made by the EIASC in Jima (and in
Addis Ababa),and said radical Islam in the area drew support
from former moderates, as well as from the OLF. However,
local EOC leader Kesis Berhanu Mahtebe broke ranks with the
previous claims by zonal and national EOC leaders, saying
that the OLF has nothing to do with the event and that is
"strictly about religion." He said that the first noticeable
influx of extremism began in 2001. Though Muslims have long
been in control of local administrations, many also had
Christian deputies, as well as kebele militias of mixed
religion. As more money began to arrive to fund mosques and
religious activities, local administrators began
marginalizing Christians. Mosques were being built on EOC
land, and local imams began preaching increasingly hateful
messages. Administrators turned a blind eye to these groups,
and some, particularly those in Beshesha, were complicit in
anti-Christian messaging, Kesis Berhanu said. He said that
local government knew that the attack would take place, and
did nothing to stop it. Even though many kebele and woreda
administrators have been replaced, such teaching continues,
he reported. The only thing preventing another attack, he
claimed, is the presence of regional and federal police.


12. (SBU) In Beshesha, where the massacre took place, local

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EOC members have built a memorial where the church once
stood. Burned cars from the attack have yet to be moved.
Local community leaders, as well as one older man and one
young boy who were present during the attack, gave Poloff
their account of events. They recalled the horror of the
night of October 15 when hundreds of Muslims, many of whom
they recognized as neighbors, rose over the hillside and
stormed their church wielding weapons and torches. The boy,
who bears a deep scar on his face from being hacked with a
machete, told of being made to kneel and renounce
Christianity. Though several people were arrested for
planning the attack, the older victim (who also had machete
scars on his face) said that many involved still live in the
village. Local leaders reported having found a stash of
machetes and kerosene in one of the local mosques after the
attack. Tensions remain very high, and EOC members are
constantly afraid of another attack. When large-scale church
services take place, the army is called out to protect
gatherings.

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REPORTS FROM OPPOSITION RECALL REST OF W OROMIYA
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13. (C) To gauge political space for opposition parties in
the area, particularly in light of upcoming local elections,
Poloff and FSN met with local UEDF leader Amente Lebeta. As
reported in other western Oromiya cities (ref B),Amente said
that following the 2005 elections and subsequent
demonstrations, local officials cracked down on opposition
parties. Indeed, no opposition parties have offices in Jima.
Amente said that UEDF members are constantly harassed by
security forces and are forced to meet in secret. (NOTE: As
with other local opposition leaders in other areas, Amente
was very nervous during the meeting and seemed highly
conscious of being seen meeting with Poloff. END NOTE.)
Though several UEDF members have been arrested, he said that
many opposition)oriented voters remain silent for fear of
losing the right to 25 kilograms of wheat promised by the GoE
(ref C) to alleviate high prices. He dismissed the notion of
recent religious conflict having any connection with the OLF,
but reported that since the event, government security forces
have increased pressure on opposition groups. Though Jima
city voted largely CUD in the elections, Amente said that the
UEDF and fellow opposition party Oromo Federal Democratic

SIPDIS
Movement (OFDM) enjoy some support. He was very confident,
that if permitted to open offices and allowed to speak to
constituents, his party would perform well throughout the
zone in local elections. However, he doubted that the GoE
would allow opposition to compete freely, and anticipates
boycotting the election. Separately, zonal administrator
Mohammed-nur told Poloff that, although Jima had largely
supported the CUD, "voters regret that now," and this would
be evident in the upcoming local elections. He said that
opposition parties are free to open offices and will be able
to compete openly, regardless.

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COMMENT: RELIGIOUS FUNDAMENTALISM STILL A THREAT
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14. (C) While the above accounts of religious clashes around
Jima vary somewhat, it seems clear that the violence was
largely religious in nature. The GoE's assertions that the
OLF played a role appear to be unfounded. Given Muslims'
greater propensity to support the ruling party, it is not
surprising that local Muslim officials were reluctant to rein
in Muslims who began to preach extremist views.
National-level EPRDF officials understand the danger of
fundamentalism, however, and seem to have taken at least some
measures to discourage another outbreak of religious violence.
YAMAMOTO