GHANA AT 50: DEMOCRACY TAKING ROOT

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 ACCRA 000286 SIPDIS SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 02/07/2017 TAGS: GH PGOV PHUM PREL SUBJECT: GHANA AT 50: DEMOCRACY TAKING ROOT REF: ACCRA 285 ACCRA 00000286 001.2 OF 002 Classified By: PolChief Scott Ticknor for reasons 1.4 d and e. ¶1. (SBU) Summary: This is the second in a series of cables looking at Ghana at 50. Ghana's 15-year-old democracy is taking root, with a strong civil society, lively free media, and a history of four free and fair national elections. Ghana scores reasonably well on various governance indices. Nonetheless, weak institutions, corruption, overly centralized government, and deep political polarization are potentially destabilizing. End summary. Ghana Generally Scores Well -------------- ¶2. (U) Ghana's political success is reflected in several prominent surveys. Ghana scores well on the Freedom House Index of Political Rights, going up from a score of 2 to 1 in 2006 because of the 2004 free and fair elections and a "general maturing of electoral institutions". Ghana ranks among the best in the 2006 Fund for Peace global Failed States Index, with only South Africa and Mauritius scoring better (lower on the index) in Africa. (The index tracks such factors as demographic pressures, economic decline, criminalization, violation of human rights, and factionalism.) Standards and Poor and Fitch give Ghana a B-plus rating, which includes an assessment of limited political and economic risk. ¶3. (U) Other surveys give Ghana somewhat weaker political marks. The Economist Intelligence Unit's new 2006 democracy index ranks Ghana a "hybrid regime", 95 out of 167 countries. Its score of 5.35 out of 10 is below eight other countries in sub-Saharan Africa, including lower than average scores in the categories of "functioning government", "political participation" and "political culture". The World Bank's "Governance Matters 2006" report listed Ghana as a reformer which had made progress on governance. Nonetheless, it ranked Ghana seventh in Africa on good governance, with a score of only 38 out of 100 on corruption. The 2005 NEPAD African Peer Review report on Ghana praised Ghana's democratic progress as "remarkable, albeit fragile in some respects". It identified the problems of low governance capacity, corruption and weak institutions as "likely to diminish the sustainability of democratic politics". Democracy Taking Root -------------- ¶4. (U) After 15 years of democratic governance, Ghanaians are committed to democracy. Voter turnout has been high in four consecutive national, free and fair elections. The Center for Democratic Development (CDD)'s 2005 Afrobarometer survey found that since 1999 Ghanaians have overwhelmingly supported democratic government. ¶5. (U) Ghana has always had significant political space for opposition and debate, starting with its lively multiparty competition prior to independence, and carrying on to some extent even during periods of military rule. Civilians had an important role in almost all of Ghana's military governments. While parliament has become increasingly polarized, there is still political space for the opposition, with almost half of parliament in the hands of the main opposition National Democratic Congress (NDC) party. One prominent NDC parliamentarian told us that this helps keep inter-party friction within reasonable boundaries. ¶6. (U) Civil society groups, including religious associations, are well organized. The majority of Ghana's educated elites studied in ethnically mixed boarding schools, which helped build ethnic tolerance. Ghana's strong religiosity and close interaction between Muslims and Christians have also helped build a culture of tolerance. There is a lively, free media which allows people to vent frustrations and concerns. Bad Governance and Political Divisiveness -------------- ¶7. (SBU) Nonetheless, Ghana's political climate has worrying elements which could at some point prove destabilizing. These challenges include Ghana's weak local government and parliament, which are largely controlled by a strong executive at the center. Corruption and cronyism are ACCRA 00000286 002.2 OF 002 problems (Ghana dropped from 3.5 in 2005 to 3.3 in 2006 in Transparency International's Corruption Perception Index). There is growing cynicism about politics (according to press reports, a recent Gallup poll found that 71 percent of Ghanaians believe their politicians are dishonest). Some elements of civil society are becoming more timid or co-opted. Ghana's failure to decentralize power has weakened local government structures and resulted in poor service delivery. ¶8. (C) Perhaps more worrying is Ghana's history of sharp political divisiveness, dating to the pre-independence period, which has fostered assassinations and coups in the past. Today's bitterness between the ruling New Patriotic Party (NPP) and main opposition National Democratic Congress (NDC),in particular between the "two Johns" (Kufuor and former President J.J. Rawlings, who are paranoid about each other) will be difficult to overcome. Even the Jubilee celebration has reinforced polarized politics, with opposition parties incensed that they were not consulted. Kufuor has called for national unity but the CEO of Ghana at 50, a longtime NPP activist, saw little need to include the opposition in planning and said at a diplomatic briefing "if the Jubilee succeeds, 2008 is won". ¶9. (C) As long as the opposition feels it can succeed in Ghana's democracy, this polarization will not likely get out of control. However, if the opposition feels it is being denied political participation, Ghana's polarization could be destabilizing. For example, we could expect a strong, potentially violent opposition reaction if the 2008 election is seen as seriously flawed or if the GOG implements a controversial expatriate voting law seen by many as subject to potential manipulation. Comment -------------- ¶10. (C) Ghana's democracy is a significant achievement. As one prominent political scientist said, "Ghana learned the hard way", through decades of political experiments, to accept democracy as a preferred form of governance. Nonetheless, this democracy remains fragile. At times, the GOG's commitment to democratic inclusion is questionable. For example, the NPP unilaterally declared victory in the 2004 election before the Electoral Commission had provided results. In addition, the ruling NPP has increasingly used its majority to force its will on parliament. When asked about the notion of separation of powers, the Majority Leader and Minister of Parliament recently stated "I laugh at that," arguing that Ghana was not ready for a stronger parliament. The NDC's democratic credentials are also at times suspect. Former President Rawlings still has a strong grip on the party and remains a charismatic, unpredictable figure in Ghanaian politics. He speaks in dramatic, sometimes violent terms about Ghana's future and has the potential to stir dissent from within his party ranks. The military appears committed to democracy but also remains a potential threat (discussed septel). Despite its promise, we do not take Ghana's democracy for granted. BRIDGEWATER