VISIT OF POLISH PRESIDENT LECH KACZYNSKI TO

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 WARSAW 000159 SIPDIS FOR THE PRESIDENT FROM AMBASSADOR ASHE E.O. 12958: DECL: 02/01/2016 TAGS: PREL PGOV PINR ECON MARR PL SUBJECT: VISIT OF POLISH PRESIDENT LECH KACZYNSKI TO WASHINGTON REF: WARSAW 46 Classified By: Ambassador Victor Ashe, reasons 1.4b,d ¶1. (C) Polish President Lech Kaczynski's determination to make his second foreign trip (after the Vatican) to Washington, with less than two months in office, is testament to our close partnership and to the deep admiration the new president has for the United States. A longtime activist in the Solidarity movement, Kaczynski's world view remains very much shaped by the Cold War and by Poland's tragic history; he recognizes the strategic imperative of sustained and active American engagement in Europe. Kaczynski's natural focus, however, is on his Law and Justice (PiS) government's domestic agenda, which includes sweeping anti-corruption and de-communization reforms, aimed at transforming Poland and establishing PiS firmly as the country's dominant political force. ¶2. (C) On a personal level, Kaczynski may strike you as somewhat stiff (certainly in comparison to his gregarious predecessor),which stems both from insecurity and his particular, formal style. I have found President Kaczynski generally well versed in foreign affairs, although he tends to stick to familiar themes and can come across as scripted. With Kaczynski, personal and national pride figure prominently; he greatly values loyalty and appears ever on the alert for signs of disrespect or offense. ¶3. (C) We have been working intensively with the president's staff and political advisors to manage expectations for this visit and to encourage the Poles to approach this critical first meeting on a personal and strategic level. There are indications that Kaczynski's team understands the need for him to use this opportunity to forge a good relationship with you, exchanging views and strategic visions rather than delving into detailed programs (such as the wish list of defense assistance prepared by the Polish defense ministry). More fundamentally, this meeting can help move Polish thinking about our relationship away from that of a patron-client toward a partnership. ¶4. (C) I recommend that you pre-empt any recitation of Polish contributions (with the implicit suggestion that we owe Poland greater compensation) by expressing thanks and acknowledging Polish military engagement in Iraq and Afghanistan, emphasizing your recognition that Poland has taken on these tasks because of its commitment to freedom, democracy and the fight against terrorism. We recognize the great sacrifices that Poland has made in this effort, and we will continue to provide support for those missions and to assist the Polish military with its transformation. ¶5. (C) Kaczynski will be eager to share Polish concerns about Russia and energy security, and to exchange views about support for democracy in neighboring Ukraine and Belarus. The Polish president will seek reassurance from you that we recognize the challenge posed by Moscow, even as we cooperate with the Russians wherever we can without abandoning our friends or values. Kaczynski is certain to argue for a common effort to maintain Ukraine's Euro-Atlantic orientation, including early participation in the NATO MAP process. On Belarus, you can offer strong U.S. support for democratic forces there, but you should also gently encourage Kaczynski to ensure that our activities are well coordinated. Although the new president and government appear to have turned a corner in improving relations with Germany, Kaczynski would benefit from hearing your impressions of Chancellor Merkel (Kaczynski met with her briefly shortly before taking office) and of your interest in close relations between Berlin and Warsaw. ¶6. (C) There are strong prospects that the minority PiS government will establish a working coalition with minor protest parties (Self-Defense and the League of Polish Families, LPR) that espouse decidedly populist and sometimes anti-American views (both vigorously oppose the Iraq deployment, for example). I suggest that you take advantage of any lunchtime discussion of Polish domestic issues to encourage Kaczynski to help sustain Poland's strong recent record of foreign investment though pro-business policies, and to express your hope that the government's new coalition partners will not have a negative influence on our common agenda. ¶7. (C) Although we believe that President Kaczynski will focus on strategic issues, I cannot exclude the possibility that he will succumb to the temptation to raise visa policy. If he does not mention it, I recommend that you do, offering him some general assurance that you share his vision of a future in which Polish citizens no longer require visas to visit the U.S. If left at that, such a message will allow Kaczynski to say that he had discussed the issue with you and that both sides are working toward that end. I also recommend that you flag our longstanding interest in passage of legislation for private property restitution in Poland; although the GOP is nominally committed to such a process, we fear that this legislation may not be among the new government's priorities. ¶8. (C) Mr. President, I encourage you to approach your meeting with President Kaczynski with a generous spirit. Although he may not provide a warm or even friendly first impression, Kaczynski is someone whose loyalty, once forged, is durable and reliable. Whatever happens in the sometimes chaotic Polish political scene, Kaczynski will be president for the next five years, and his support for American priorities will be critical to maintaining and even deepening our close strategic partnership. ASHE