DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 02/06/06

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 11 TOKYO 000642 SIPDIS SIPDIS DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 02/06/06 INDEX: (1) Irresponsible of government not to make sure whether US observes Japan's beef import requirements; Safety policy abandoned? No buyer for over 2,000 tons of beef (2) Reasons for DFAA breakup initiative (3) Second-fiddle candidates for LDP leadership race -- Taku Yamasaki, Koichi Kato, representatives from LDP factions, LDP Upper House -- start preparatory steps for campaign (4) Bush and Koizumi - Battle over beef imports (part 1): Prompt decision on second ban has driven splinter in alliance even deeper (5) Bush and Koizumi - battle over beef imports (part 2): Power bases: Clash over food safety, interest ARTICLES: (1) Irresponsible of government not to make sure whether US observes Japan's beef import requirements; Safety policy abandoned? No buyer for over 2,000 tons of beef TOKYO SHIMBUN (Pages 24-25) (Slightly abridged) February 1, 2006 The government failed to conduct a fact-finding inspection, supposed to have been done before resuming US beef trade. Agriculture Minister Shoichi Nakagawa so "confessed" before a Diet meeting on Jan. 30. Conducting a prior inspection was decided at a cabinet meeting. Failing to do so is a violation of public faith. It was just recently after the restart of US beef imports when the revelation of the sloppy inspection system in the United States came out. As if to follow suit, the Japanese government has exposed its own failure to ensure public safety. Such being the case, who in the world can ensure our safety? "If the meat continues to fail to clear customs, it will become unmarketable, so we'd like the US to buy it back at the same price as the import bill," grumbled Tatsuo Iwama, executive director of the Japan Meat Import/Export Association, a group of 40 distributors handling imported meat. Since the reinstatement of the ban on US beef imports on Jan. 20, a total of 1,380 tons of beef worth 1.4-1.5 billion yen have been stranded in warehouses or containers unable to clear customs. Combining meat stored at non-member companies of the association, the volume would be over 2,000 tons. Meat is stored at 20 centigrade below zero at present. Iwama lamented: "This is a last resort to maintain meat quality, but despite that, meat quality deteriorates day by day. We hope imports will be restarted again quickly, but chances are ...." Agriculture Minister Nakagawa revealed in his Diet replies on Jan. 30 that the cabinet-obligated prior-fact-finding survey was not conducted before the restart of US beef imports. On Dec. 13, the day after the removal of the import ban, the Agriculture Ministry and the Health Ministry dispatched a joint government fact-finding team to the US. On the 16th of that TOKYO 00000642 002 OF 011 month, the first US beef shipment arrived in Japan. The team of 10 officials was divided into three groups to each investigate one of three processes: 1) confirming the age of cattle; 2) confirming removal of specified risk materials (SRM); and 3) sorting out meat that was Japan-bound from that bound for other countries. Each group examined whether the processes were being observed. An official in the Health Ministry's Inspection and Safety Division said confidently: "One day was devoted to inspect each place. An on-site inspection was carried out at all facilities we visited to see that exports procedures were observed. The inspection did not end by just looking at files and papers." The US has 38 slaughterhouses exporting beef to Japan. Japan inspected 11 plants. The same official explained, "We had a plan to inspect all those facilities one by one over time." However, Yasuhiro Yoshikaka, chair of the Prion Research Committee of the Food Safety Commission, told Kyoto News Service when he was interviewed: "Our understanding was that the government would resume beef imports after examining (for instance, the effectiveness of the observation of the requirements)." Yoshikawa also pointed out that "audit" is used in the agreement between Japan and the US to mean "inspection," but he asserted that the word, "inspection," should replace "audit," because "audit" connotes something perfunctory. Responding to questions asking why a prior inspection was not carried out, Nakagawa said: "An effective survey was not possible before the lifting of the import ban." But Keisuke Amagasa, an expert on the BSE issue and representative of the Citizens' Biotechnology Information Center, criticized Nakagawa: "The prerequisite for resuming imports was to remove specified risk materials, so a prior inspection was essential." Agriculture minister shows no sign of self-reflection, insisting there is "no problem" with administration Until recently the Japanese government explained: "The US has promised to meet the export requirements." But in January, the sloppy state of the US inspection system was exposed, when a US inspector ignorant about what was defined as risk materials to remove (let beef with backbones be shipped to Japan). On Jan. 26, Prime Minister Koizumi made this seemingly defiant reply in the Diet: "The US is to blame. I don't understand why Japan is blamed." As of Jan. 30, when it was revealed that no prior inspection had been conducted, Nakagawa remarked indifferently: "I think on our part, there's no problem with our administration." Toshiko Kanda, secretary general of the National Liaison Committee of Consumer Organization, said angrily: "The primary responsibility definitely lies with the US, but it's also important for Japan on its part to do something to have the US side actively observe the rules. It's just an excuse to say, 'The US has said this or that.'" TOKYO 00000642 003 OF 011 The Food Safety Commission's (FSC) final report released on last Dec. 8, which in effect moved Japan to decide on the resumption of US beef imports, did not make a prior fact-finding inspection a condition for the resumption of imports. The reason is that the FSC had to make a risk assessment on the premise that the export program would be observed. The report therefore attached a supplementary item to the conclusion. The report then reiterated: "A risk assessment this time was made on the premise that the export program on Japan will be observed. So, an oversight body (Japanese government) needs to guarantee that the export program is observed." Tokyo Medical College Prof. Kiyotoshi Kaneko, who served as deputy chief of the FSC's prion expert panel, said, "Our worst fear came true." He continued: "When we were asked to discuss the matter, we were told to discuss it on the premise that the export program on Japan would be observed. We were also told that the conditions to observe the program did not need to be put on agenda for discussion. We therefore did not discuss even once the question of whether to conduct a prior fact-finding inspection or an ex-post facto inspection. I repeatedly raised the question of whether the premise was reliable in actuality. The answer was that: 'the government is responsible.'" There is a rumor that there was a scheme to give the resumption of beef imports as a present to President Bush when he visited Japan last November. Kanda explained: "The report was released on Dec. 8, Thursday, and as quickly as the following Monday, the resumption of imports was decided. There was no showing of ways to make the other side observe the export program." Referring to this fact, some are beginning to conjecture that this explains why a full-fledged fact-finding inspection was not carried out in the US. In that way, even if there was a problem with imports, the Japanese government's responsibility would not be pursued. Amagasa said: "The recent incident stemmed from a US that is reluctant to improve its sloppy oversight structure and an irresponsible Japanese government that has left everything in the hands of the US." The hurdle of the resumption of beef imports has become even higher now. A panel member, Shigetaka Yamamoto, chief of the National Institute of Health Sciences' Biomedical Food Research Division, pointed out: "It's unrealistic to send inspectors to all facilities to inspect them around the clock. Before the second resumption of beef imports, the US government needs to re-educate its inspectors in the proper way and then report on the results of their re- training (to Japan)." Professor Satoshi Kai at the graduate school of Kyushu TOKYO 00000642 004 OF 011 University, also a panel member, proposed this: "In the case of beef exports from Japan to the US, US inspectors came to Japan to authorize Japanese plants to export meat to the US. Japan, too, should establish a similar system." Professor Kaneko warned: "Consumers play the leading part. Insufficient communication between ministers, between the government and the concerned offices, and between the government and the nation have caused a dispute over the differences in the replies. Discord at home will make it difficult for Japan as a whole to assume a resolute attitude toward the US. The government needs to realize that if nothing is done, it could aggravate the wound, ending up with a loss of public confidence." Key points of the written government reply and the unified government view Written government reply as of Nov. 18, 2002 The Health Ministry and the Agriculture Ministry think it necessary to send on a regular basis an inspector to the US before or after the resumption of US beef imports in order to inspect slaughterhouses in the US. Unified government view as of Jan. 30, 2006 The written government reply endorsed the thinking of the Health Ministry and the Agriculture Ministry at the time. It is not necessarily true to say that it has decided to take a certain action. The Food Safety Commission's final report does not include the implementation of an inspection into the conditions for the resumption of imports. Desk memo: I was astonished at US Under Secretary of Agriculture Penn's remark that: "The probability of being involved in a traffic accident is higher than that of being infected with disease as a result of eating beef." We can ascertain the exact number of dead or injured in traffic accidents. But the US has not carried out blanket testing, so the (BSE) probability is unclear. In addition, the disease appears in people dozens of years ahead. So the policy-makers of today are not accused. I sensed this in the responses of Japan and the US. (2) Reasons for DFAA breakup initiative NIHON KEIZAI (Page 3) (Full) Eve., February 2, 2006 The Defense Facilities Administration Agency, an external body of the Defense Agency, is facing a scrap-and-build plan that would breaking it up and meld it into the Defense Agency. The reason for growing calls for a drastic shakeup of DFAA is the recently exposed bid-rigging scandal over DFAA-ordered construction projects for its contractors. However, there are complicated circumstances behind the scenes, such as complaints about DFAA in connection with the planned realignment of US forces in Japan. The Defense Agency, which desires to raise its status to a ministry, is apparently eager to set up itself as a policy- planning office like ministries. TOKYO 00000642 005 OF 011 Bid-rigging scandal: A pillar of preventive steps "It's clear to me that the Defense Facilities Administration Agency has not taken the Central Procurement Office's misappropriation case as its own. I even feel angry." This comment came from Defense Agency Director General Fukushiro Nukaga when he met the press on Jan. 31. Gentle as he is, Nukaga unusually raised his voice. The CPO malfeasance case was brought to light in 1998 when Nukaga was in his current defense chief post. Nukaga, who was a first- time cabinet minister at the time, was driven to quit his cabinet portfolio four months later to take the responsibility for the scandal. CPO is a body in charge of buying or acquiring equipment and the like for the Self-Defense Forces. In the wake of the scandal, the Defense Agency reorganized CPO, segregating its contract divisions from the organization of CPO and transferring its cost-accounting divisions to an internal bureau of the Defense Agency. This time, DFAA became tainted with a scandal involving its retirees who have parachuted into a private-sector company like the CPO scandal. Late last year, Nukaga deemed it inevitable for prosecutors to indict those involved in the bid-rigging scandal. Since then, Nukaga, who learned a lesson from the CPO scandal, has been circumspectly prepared for the possible indictment. In the CPO scandal, officials were found to have destroyed evidence. Furthermore, CPO mishandled things after the case was exposed. This became a fatal blow to the Defense Agency. This time, the Defense Agency immediately launched a fact-finding committee and a preventive study group. Nukaga quickly pledged full cooperation for investigations in order to clean up the agency. As a pillar of preventive steps, the Defense Agency has a plan to dismantle and integrate DFAA. CPO once was the Special Procurement Agency, which used to be a counterpart of the occupation forces in Japan. Touching on this history, Nukaga criticized CPO for its personnel's underlying sense of entitlement from those days. "We will ferret out administrative and organizational problems so that such a case will not occur ever again," Nukaga said. "That's my responsibility," he added. With this, the second-time defense chief fretted about how to bail himself out by laying emphasis on his reform-minded stance. USFJ realignment: Gap with Defense Agency policy course "Contrary to what you might think," a Defense Agency official said, "we have little to do with the Defense Facilities Administration Agency." This official noted a "gap" between the Defense Agency's policy measures and DFAA's jobs, recounting that the gap came out through coordination with local governments over the realignment of US forces in Japan. Nukaga is inclined to disband DFAA. For one thing, Nukaga believes that DFAA's closed nature-even more than the bid-rigging scandal-has contributed to the delay in the government's local coordination over the realignment of US forces in Japan. On Jan. 30, when DFAA officials were arrested, the Defense Agency officially announced its appointment of DFAA Naha Bureau Director TOKYO 00000642 006 OF 011 General Masanori Nishi to the post of Technical Research and Development Institute (TRDI) deputy director general, which is a de facto demotion. After hard negotiations, Japan and the United States agreed on a plan to relocate the US Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station in Okinawa Prefecture to a coastal area of Camp Schwab in the island prefecture. The Defense Agency's Administrative Vice Minister Takemasa Moriya pushed for the plan. Nishi, tuning in to local opposition, was critical of the plan. Nishi's stance is said to have brought Moriya's anger down on him. Nishi is well spoken of in Okinawa, where many miss him. But in the eyes of Nukaga and Moriya, Nishi appeared to be "only turning his face toward Okinawa and reluctant to carry out the Defense Agency's policy measures." DFAA is tasked with improving the environment to secure the use of bases. Nukaga, however, urges DFAA to do some rethinking itself. "Security is not the kind of matter to be bargained with local heads for a happy medium," Nukaga said. He also said, "I don't want them to do their jobs with their usual approach." The Defense Agency gives top priority to the realignment of US forces in Japan. The Japanese and US governments have now agreed to relocate the heliport functions of Futenma airfield to a coastal area of Camp Schwab. To do so, however, the Defense Agency needs the governor's approval to use the surface of public waters to reclaim land from the sea. The agency is even poised to transfer the governor's reclamation-related entitlement to the state if the governor does not allow the Futenma relocation. There is no doubt that DFAA's reluctance about such a hardline stance has fueled arguments calling for the floated breakup of DFAA. Defense Agency's upgrading to ministry: Persuading New Komeito On Jan. 25, the House of Councillors held a question-and-answer session. Shozo Kusakawa, in his interpellation representing the New Komeito party, insisted that DFAA should be consolidated into the Defense Agency so that the Defense Agency will not fatten its organization in its upgrading to a ministry. In reply, Nukaga stated that there was "something difficult" in Kusakawa's suggestion. "However," Nukaga went on, "the suggestion is full of warmheartedness at its bottom." He added, "We'd like to make headway for transition to the status of a ministry with cooperation obtained." Nukaga had made arrangements with his agency's administrative officials on his parliamentary replies prepared by them. Nukaga told them to rewrite their scripts more easily, with the New Komeito in his mind. For one thing, the New Komeito is currently in office as the LDP's coalition partner. However, some people in the New Komeito are strongly opposed to the idea of raising the Defense Agency to the status of a ministry. DFAA's bid-rigging scandal this time could also work against the Defense Agency for the time being. However, Nukaga and others are emphasizing the necessity of raising the Defense Agency to a ministry from the perspective of administrative reform. They think that this standpoint, if it works well, can be convincing to the New Komeito and other parties. Moriya is even more positive about breaking up DFAA and TOKYO 00000642 007 OF 011 streamlining it into the Defense Agency. The Defense Agency now has many more jobs to do along with the expanded scope of SDF missions overseas. In addition, the Defense Agency is required to cooperate with local governments in civil protection during emergencies. However, there is a limit to the number of divisions and offices to be newly created. The Defense Agency will need to realign its existing organizations so as enhance its policymaking functions. The Defense Agency would like to find ways and means for that purpose by breaking up DFAA. The Defense Agency is also thirsty for new posts, including a vice-ministerial-level defense councillor post that is on a par with the Foreign Ministry's deputy minister post. If DFAA is dismantled, its director general post can be slotted in for that new post. In addition, the Defense Agency also eyes establishing local outposts. The Defense Agency pales in comparison with other government ministries and agencies because none of its internal bureaus branches out across the nation. DFAA has a total of eight local bureaus in the country. However, none of these local bureaus serves as a point of contact for Japan's defense-related policies in general. In the event of disasters, for instance, each prefecture's governor is to ask a local garrison of the Ground Self-Defense Force for help. If DFAA is integrated into the Defense Agency, DFAA's local bureaus can be transformed into outposts for the Defense Agency's internal bureaus. One idea being floated is to turn each of these local DFAA bureaus into a regional bloc defense bureau. Another idea is to embed the nationwide network of SDF local recruiting offices-currently under the wing of GSDF army headquarters-in these regional defense bureaus as the Defense Agency's local points of contact. (3) Second-fiddle candidates for LDP leadership race -- Taku Yamasaki, Koichi Kato, representatives from LDP factions, LDP Upper House -- start preparatory steps for campaign NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Full) February 5, 2006 Forces in the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) are quietly moving into action with an eye on the September election for party president that will determine who will succeed Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi. Chief Cabinet Secretary Shinzo Abe and other likely contenders for the party leadership race apparently will move their campaigns into full gear in the spring or later. However, "second- fiddle candidates" are now waiting for their chances to exercise their influence on the selection of candidates for the presidential race by taking preparatory steps. Yamasaki, Kato to respond to the government by pointing out what is right and wrong On Feb. 4 Taku Yamasaki visited the town of Mogami in Yamagata Prefecture to deliver a speech in the home constituency of Koichi Kato, a longtime ally of Yamasaki. Yamasaki said, "The next leader must balance domestic politics and foreign policy." TOKYO 00000642 008 OF 011 Kato stated: "President Bush has told Mr. Koizumi that Japan- China relations should be repaired. I'm concerned about Mr. Koizumi's foreign policy." The two once formed a group with Koizumi called the "YKK trio." Yamasaki expressed in early January his desire to run in the presidential race. He said in a speech on Feb. 4, "Mr. Kato is one of the qualified candidates for the presidency." Kato has recently noticeably distanced himself from Koizumi, while standing at the forefront of criticizing the leadership in meetings of the party's General Council. Regarding the government's proposal of revising the Imperial House Law, about which a cautious view is growing in the ruling and opposition camps, Kato pointed out, "We will have no choice but to agree to the prime minister's proposal in the end." Yamasaki then agreed to Kato's view. The two were not necessarily solely criticizing Koizumi, but they appear to be aiming at playing up their political identity by pointing out to the government what they think is right or wrong. Factions to avoid becoming "hunting grounds" In a meeting on Feb. 2 of his faction, Chairman Yuji Tsushima said, "As a policy group, it is important for us to work out responsible policies for the public." He underscored his intention to come up with his faction's policy principles around mid-June. Last December the Tsushima faction (formerly the Hashimoto faction) staved off a breakup after nearly one and a half years of decline. It will be difficult, however, for the faction to pick its own candidate for the presidency. By issuing a set policy principles, the faction aims not only at justifying its reason for existence but also at confirming internal unity so that the faction would not become a hunting ground for other factions. Factions in the LDP are in similar circumstances more or less. The Komura faction plans to formulate a policy statement calling for consideration not only to equal opportunity but also to equal results for all. The Nikai faction is working on its own policy proposals. Since the factions have rapidly lost influence since the inauguration of the Koizumi government, the prevailing view is that the factions will not take the initiative in selecting Koizumi's successor. They are having a hard time finding ways to be involved in the presidential election. Aoki remonstrates with Koizumi about his way of administration In a meeting on the night of Jan. 24 between Koizumi and senior ruling bloc members at the Prime Minister's Official Residence, Mikio Aoki, chairman of the LDP caucus in the House of Councillors, gave Koizumi a warning, saying, "It would be better for the prime minister not to talk about the presidential election." In a question-and-answer session at the full Upper House session on Jan. 24, Aoki referred to the good and bad effects of the TOKYO 00000642 009 OF 011 Koizumi reform drive. He made this candid statement about the Koizumi style politics, "The prime minister should stop criticizing" the Upper House members elected in the proportional representation segment and their support bodies "for being forces of resistance." Aoki is interested in how to fight Upper House elections, which will take place next summer. He intends to go into those elections using a conventional election strategy. Regarding the view that Abe should be the character to use in the election, he commented, "We were defeated in the 2004 election by using Koizumi and Abe as the election combination." He has sought to check the mood that Abe should be regarded as the most likely successor to Koizumi. (4) Bush and Koizumi - Battle over beef imports (part 1): Prompt decision on second ban has driven splinter in alliance even deeper TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 1) (Slightly abridged) February 5, 2006 Following the finding of specified risk materials (SRM) in a US beef shipment to Japan, Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi on the morning of Jan. 20 ordered his staff to suspend trade for the second time. In Dec. 2003, the Japanese government placed a ban on US beef imports shortly after the first discovery of a BSE-infected cow in the US. Tokyo then decided to reopen the market under the conditions that only beef from cattle aged up to 20 months with SRM removed can be exported to Japan. But the incident happened only a month after the resumption of the trade. Referring to US beef in a policy speech given shortly before his decision to place the second ban, Koizumi underscored, "We will secure food safety and a peace of mind from the consumers' perspective." A proposal to place a partial ban was at first floated at a meeting of the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare (MHLW) and the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, but Koizumi promptly decided to place a total embargo, projecting his resolve. It is said that Japan-US relations have never been better thanks to the firm relationship of trust between Koizumi and Bush. Bush has steered clear of applying pressure on Japan, a measure that had marred bilateral relations during the Clinton administration. However, the issue of whether to resume US beef imports has been the only exception to such a smooth relationship. In June 2004, the G-8 Summit was held at Sea Island, Georgia. During the Japan-US summit meeting held over lunch, Bush stressed how delicious US beef was, that meat having been served as a main dish, and he then led off the subject by asking, "What has become of the BSE issue?" His remark implicitly reflected his hope for an early resumption of beef imports by Japan, but Koizumi sidestepped the question, noting, "Experts are now discussing the issue." During the summit meeting in Sept. 2004, held under the condition that the US side bring up the BSE issue, according to a senior TOKYO 00000642 010 OF 011 Foreign Ministry official, Koizumi again replied, "The issue should be judged from a scientific viewpoint." Then National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice, who was present at the meeting, reportedly called on Koizumi to make a political decision, noting, "You say that the issue should be judged from a scientific viewpoint, but there needs to be political will to make a top-down decision." This statement was not released out of consideration to bilateral relations. As the US government and Congress became increasingly disgruntled with Koizumi's adamant attitude and toughened their request, the reaction on the Japanese side became even stronger. At the time, Japanese beef exports to the US were still under suspension, a measure taken after an outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease. The US has kept the import ban in place due to the discovery of a BSE-infected cow in Japan in Sept. 2001. Japan adopted a blanket cattle inspection system to ensure food safety, but the US government refused to lift the import ban on Japanese beef. An aide to Koizumi complained of a unilateral request from Washington: "Japan is carrying out a blanket inspection, and yet the US has refused to lift the import ban on Japanese beef. Unless the US removes the ban in Japanese beef, Japan will not lift the ban on US beef imports." On Dec. 12, Tokyo and Washington mutually announced their decisions to restart beef imports from each other. It appeared that a splinter in the alliance had been pulled out. However, it now turns out that the splinter has been driven deeper into the alliance with the imposition of a second ban on US beef imports by Japan, following the finding of SRM in a US beef shipment to Japan. (5) Bush and Koizumi - battle over beef imports (part 2): Power bases: Clash over food safety, interest TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 1) (Excerpts) February 6. 2006 Ever since Japan suspended US beef imports in Dec. 2003, President Bush has continued to urge Prime Minister Koizumi to reopen the Japanese market. The Republican Party's election situation is behind Bush's continuing call for reinstating the beef trade. Major beef producing states in the US are Texas, where the President himself has a ranch, Nebraska, Kansas and Colorado in order of output. The Farm Belt covering those mid-western states, where livestock raising is a major industry, is the Republican Party's power base. The National Cattlemen's Beef Association (NCBA) donated 386,000 dollars to political parties and candidates in the 2004 election, of which 87% went to the Republican Party and its candidates. For his reelection in 2004 and the Republican Party's victory in the 2006 off-year election, Bush needed to obtain support from beef producers by thrusting at Japan the request for the resumption of beef trade. TOKYO 00000642 011 OF 011 Countering Bush's request, Koizumi has continued to insist, "I will judge whether or not to resume beef trade from a scientific perspective." Koizumi on his part had his own election situation. In order for him to press ahead with his reform initiative, countering "forces of resistance," who were against the privatization of postal services and Japan Highway Public Corporation, it was necessary to obtain popular support. Voters in urban areas, who ushered in the Liberal Democratic Party's (LDP) landslide victory in the September general election last year, have been the support base for the Koizumi reform initiative. Such people are at the same time consumers who are sensitive to food safety. If Koizumi gives priority to the Japan- US alliance relationship, making light of food safety, the public's support for his reform efforts would immediately lose steam. Looking back on Koizumi's adamant stance, one staff member at the Prime Minister's Official Residence noted: "The prime minister has consistently insisted that he would judge whether to restart US beef imports or not from a scientific perspective. So much so, we even thought we should consider the possibility of resuming such imports ourselves." Koizumi has categorically expressed his resolve to step down in September. However, in order to obtain support from the people for the continuation of his reform initiative, he has found it difficult to decide once more to resume the beef trade in a casual manner. On the other hand, Bush is under the gun to strongly urge Japan to resume US beef imports in order to help secure a Republican Party victory in the off-year election. Differences in their power bases are working to prolong the US beef import issue and even exacerbate it, despite the honeymoon relationship. SCHIEFFER