DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 08/08/06

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 07 TOKYO 004452 SIPDIS SIPDIS DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 08/08/06 INDEX: (1) Poll on Koizumi cabinet, political parties, LDP race (2) Editorial: China between the Defense White Paper's lines (3) Yasukuni part 2: Argument renouncing separate enshrinement of Class-A war criminals shaken; Key Shinto religious teacher refuses to express view (4) Debate on Yasukuni Shrine taking new turn, with focus shifted from propriety of prime minister's visits to shrine status ARTICLES: (1) Poll on Koizumi cabinet, political parties, LDP race YOMIURI (Page 2) (Full) August 8, 2006 Questions & Answers (Figures shown in% age. Parentheses denote the results of a survey conducted in July.) Q: Do you support the Koizumi cabinet? Yes 51.1 (50.2) No 39.2 (39.7) Other answers (O/A) 2.6 (2.9) No answer (N/A) 7.1 (7.1) Q: Which political party do you support now? Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 40.6 (38.6) Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 13.0 (14.6) New Komeito (NK) 3.3 (3.2) Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 1.3 (1.6) Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 0.7 (1.0) People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0.1 (0.1) New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0.1 (---) Other political parties --- (---) None 38.7 (39.6) N/A 1.7 (1.2) Q: Prime Minister Koizumi has clarified his intention to resign as prime minister in September this year when his term as LDP president runs out. This September's LDP presidential election is a de facto election of the next prime minister. Are you interested in this LDP presidential election? Very interested 33.1 Somewhat interested 38.6 Not very interested 18.8 Not interested at all 8.7 N/A 0.7 Q: Who do you think is the most appropriate person for the next prime minister? Pick only one from among those listed below if any. Taro Aso 7.4 Shinzo ABE 45.2 Sadakazu Tanigaki 9.2 Taku Yamasaki 0.9 TOKYO 00004452 002 OF 007 Others 2.0 None 30.3 N/A 5.1 Q: (Only for those who gave an appropriate person for prime minister) Why do you support that person? Pick as many factors as you like from among those listed below if any. Political stance 31.0 Diplomatic stance 22.2 Domestic policy 9.7 Reform-oriented mind 17.5 Leadership 16.9 A sense of balance 18.9 Young 28.5 Friendly 26.4 O/A+N/A 4.5 Q: What would you like the LDP presidential election to focus on? Pick as many issues as you like from among those listed below, if any. Economic, employment measures 49.3 Fiscal reconstruction 25.9 Consumption tax 37.0 Social security reform, including pension and healthcare systems 56.9 Low birthrate countermeasures, including childcare support 26.0 Educational reform 16.7 Administrative reform, including public service personnel cuts 18.8 Social divide, including income gaps 18.2 Yasukuni Shrine issue 14.5 Asia diplomacy, including China and South Korea 25.4 North Korea issue 33.1 Defense, security 14.6 Constitutional revision 9.1 Public security, crime prevention 16.1 Food safety 14.5 O/A 0.2 Nothing in particular 3.6 N/A 1.3 Q: Former Chief Cabinet Secretary Yasuo Fukuda has clarified that he TOKYO 00004452 003 OF 007 would not run in the LDP presidential election. There is an opinion saying the policy debates would be dull with his staying out of the race. Do you agree to this view? Yes 18.6 Yes to a certain degree 18.2 No to a certain degree 18.1 No 34.2 N/A 11.0 Polling methodology Date of survey: Aug. 5-6. Subjects of survey: 3,000 persons chosen from among all eligible voters throughout the country (at 250 locations on a stratified two-stage random sampling basis). Method of implementation: Door-to-door visits for face-to-face interviews. Number of valid respondents: 1,741 persons (58.0% ). Breakdown of respondents: Male-49%, female-51% . (2) Editorial: China between the Defense White Paper's lines NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Full) August 8, 2006 The Defense White Paper is a record of the Defense Agency's yearly activities. If we try to read its policy-based messages, we need to read between the lines. Then, how should we read the white paper for 2006? This year's white paper, which came out within a month after North Korea's missile launches, underscores the importance of missile defense. It shows that the Defense Agency is conscious of not only North Korea's ballistic missiles but also China's. There were many challenges the Defense Agency had to explain in this year's white paper. Those challenges include the issues of realigning US military bases in Japan and upgrading the Defense Agency to the status of a ministry. In addition, there were also scandals involving the Defense Facilities Administration Agency. When this year's white paper was in the making with final editing, North Korea fired a number of missiles. The white paper first touches on this incident in a column. North Korea has been a matter of security concern to Japan. This year's white paper, however, uses seven pages about North Korea right after touching on the defense policy of the United States, an ally of Japan. When it comes to China, this year's white paper differs in a way from last year's white paper that came out right after the US Department of Defense released its report on Chinese military power. In last year's white paper, the Defense Agency, apparently bearing it in mind, used restrained expressions so as not to be taken as a China-is-a-threat argument. Meanwhile, this year's white paper, sparing 11 pages on China, carries a number of concentric circles with Beijing at their centers. These circles denote the ranges of China's five ballistic missile capabilities. One of them is the DF-5, a long-range ballistic missile that covers North America, the greater part of the African continent, and Australia within its range. This year's white paper also details missile defense. However, it explains missile defense with descriptions from technical perspectives and gives no strategic explanations. This year's white paper is the first to carry such concentric circles that show the ranges of China's ballistic missiles. This is "for easy TOKYO 00004452 004 OF 007 understanding," according to the Defense Agency. However, the 2006 white paper-if we try to read between the lines in its entirety-implies that the Defense Agency is pushing ahead with its planned introduction of a missile defense system while bearing in mind not only North Korea's ballistic missiles but also China's, and that the agency is expecting its deterrent effects. Publishing a white paper on the defense of Japan means contributing to Japan's confidence-building measures or showing Japan's hand to foreign countries. The military transparency of a country publishing an accurate white paper is said to be high. So its English version has an important meaning. On the day following its reporting of this year's white paper in a cabinet meeting, the Defense Agency made its English version available on its website for the first time. This is an estimable approach. (3) Yasukuni part 2: Argument renouncing separate enshrinement of Class-A war criminals shaken; Key Shinto religious teacher refuses to express view MAINICHI (Page 2) (Excerpts) August 7, 2006 The Mainichi Shimbun contacted the bereaved families of the 14 Class-A war criminals enshrined at Yasukuni Shrine along with the country's war dead and received responses from 13 of the families. Of them, eight families indicated their readiness to accept the separation of the souls of their kin from Yasukuni, noting: "We never asked the shrine to enshrine our family member there. We just want to quietly console the spirits of the deceased like ordinary people." Yasukuni Shrine, however, insists, "Even if all the bereaved families agree to separate the souls of their deceased family members from Yasukuni Shrine, it is impossible for us to do so." A sense of the inconsistency of Shinto teaching, which ignores the feelings of bereaved families, is beginning to spread across the families. Separating the 14 Class-A war criminals from Yasukuni Shrine is a 20-year-old argument proposed first by then Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone in 1985. Tadashi Yuzawa, chief priest of Yasukuni Shrine, met in March 2004 with then Agriculture Minister Yoshinobu Shimamura in a reception room of the shrine office. In February, former Prime Minister Nakasone called again for separating the Class-A war criminals from Yasukuni Shrine on a television program, saying, "Bereaved families will support this idea." Shimamura's visit to the shrine was to sound out Yasukuni's stance on this. He told Yuzawa, "Unless the Class-A war criminals are removed, the emperor will never be able to visit Yasukuni Shrine, something that the spirits of the war dead want the most." Yuzawa replied, "Under Shinto teachings, it is not possible to separate them from Yasukuni once enshrined." He put on the table a piece of paper that carried the words "The souls of the dead enshrined at Yasukuni will remain there even if their memorial tablets are removed." He continued, "I would rather Mr. Nakasone work to persuade China." Yasukuni Shrine released the same day its view that rejected the notion of separating Class-A war criminals. The Association of Shinto Shrines (Jinja Honcho) in Shibuya Ward, Tokyo, which overseas 80,000 shrines throughout the nation, announced the same view in June 2005. Commenting on the intention of TOKYO 00004452 005 OF 007 Association, an informed source explained: "The announcement followed the incident in which Chinese Vice Premier Wu Yi cancelled her meeting with Prime Minister Koizumi and returned home. It was intended to counter pressure from China." It appears that in responding to the argument for separating Class-A war criminals from Yasukuni Shrine, Shinto shrines began pursuing a political argument, quite apart from their religious teachings. According to the Shinto view, bunshi or separating the enshrined deity from the shrine means transferring the deity to another shrine for worshiping, in a way similar to lighting a candle with the flame of another candle. The common term that is used for separate enshrining (bunshi) is equivalent to erasing the enshrinement of (Class-A war criminals in this case) as deities (haishi),according to Shinto teaching. In the Association's view, in order to transfer the memorial tablets of the 14 Class-A war criminals from Yasukuni to another shrine, it is necessary to remove all 2.46 million-memorial tablets of the war dead, too. This is in reality impossible. Professor Inoue at the Kokugakuin University Shinto Culture Studies Department said, "In theory, separate enshrinement of Class-A war criminals is possible. However, if the Association says that it will not do that, then that becomes Shinto teaching." The Association was established in 1946. It has a major influence on Shinto shrines for it has authority to set the training courses for Shinto priests to be certified. Though it does not have Yasukuni Shrine under its jurisdiction, it supports it on the personnel side and provides advice on Shinto teachings. The Association's Shinto Teaching Research Center is responsible for Shinto religious theory. Koremaru Sakamoto, professor of modern history of Shinto religion at the Kokugakuin University Shinto Culture Studies Department, is responsible for the Yasukuni Shrine issue there. Sakamoto wrote the shrine's basic view that renounced the idea of the separate enshrinement of Class-A war criminals. The Association's views are so important that once they are issued, they become established teaching, according to a religious scholar. Other Shinto teaching committee member simply skimmed through the draft of the basic views during a meeting. Sakamoto also serves as an editor-in-chief of the Shrine Courier. He is a key figure in the Shinto teaching. He has thus far repeatedly explained to influential politicians who called for removing Class-A war criminals from Yasukuni Shrine, "That is impossible." Responding to an interview with the Mainichi Shimbun, Sakamoto on the evening of August 5 said, "I am tired of discussing Yasukuni Shrine itself." However, when the interviewer showed him a thesis written in 1979, the year following the enshrinement of Class-A war criminals at Yasukuni Shrine along with the war dead, he changed his countenance and read the thesis silently. He then said, "If proper discussions on the matter had been carried out at that time, the situation would have been different." He then said, "I cannot say anything about it. If I did, many things would simply crumble. I am just a man who is working for the Jinja Honcho. Whether it was wrong or right, (Yasukuni Shrine) did enshrine Class-A war criminals. The state took the lead in this process." What was the thesis that upset this key Shinto teacher? (4) Debate on Yasukuni Shrine taking new turn, with focus shifted from propriety of prime minister's visits to shrine status ASAHI (Page 1) (Slightly abridged) TOKYO 00004452 006 OF 007 August 8, 2006 The Yasukuni issue is one of the major issues in the Liberal Democratic Party presidential race. The debate on Yasukuni is taking a new turn recently, with the question of what the shrine should taking center state, besides the propriety of visits by Prime Minister Koizumi and the next prime minister. Foreign Minister Aso has proposed turning Yasukuni into a nonreligious corporation and then reviewing in a Diet session the list of souls enshrined there. Finance Minister Tanigaki has also expressed support for the notion of separating Class-A war criminals from the shrine. Focus shifted to notion of secularizing Yasukuni Aso proposes in an article, "My viewpoint," written for today's Asahi Shimbun that the government first should urge Yasukuni Shrine to voluntarily give up on the current status of a religious corporation and make it a national war-memorial facility by enacting legislation. Aso adds that if the prime minister and cabinet ministers go ahead with visiting Yasukuni Shrine under the current situation, the visits might turn into a political issue and result in undermining even the main purpose of the visits." Based on this view, Aso has compiled his private proposal. He reportedly passed its copies to Yasukuni Shrine and the Japan War-Bereaved Association by the end of July, suggesting that they look into the proposal. Aso has decided not to pay homage at Yasukuni Shrine until his proposal is put into practice. Finance Minister Tanigaki has also clearly said he would forgo a visit to the shrine for the time being. Tanigaki said: "The enshrinement of Class-A war criminals has become a thorn stuck in the throat," adding that "the ball is in the court of Yasukuni Shrine," urging Yasukuni to take some step." Aso and Tanigaki share a view that Yasukuni Shrine to make an independent judgment, but Aso reiterates the need that a decision should be made on which souls be enshrined at Yasukuni, including a review of the enshrinement of Class-A war criminals. LDP Policy Research Council Chairman Hidenao Nakagawa, who is close to Chief Cabinet Secretary Abe, has also referred to a plan to resubmit a bill designed to place Yasukuni under state jurisdiction. Meanwhile, ABE indicated in a press conference yesterday a negative view about the review of the status of Yasukuni Shrine. He said: "Reviewing the religious status of Yasukuni Shrine and the enshrine dietary is not a matter on which the government can express its views." In contrast, Aso has stressed the need to review the status of the shrine with a view to the prime minister visiting the shrine. Aso and Abe, who visited the shrine this April, thus take different stances about this issue, though they take similar views on foreign policy. Even so, since Aso, Tanigaki, and ABE are all members of the Koizumi cabinet, if Prime Minister Koizumi pays homage at Yasukuni on Aug. 15, it is uncertain to what extent they can discuss the matter. In a speech yesterday, Nakagawa criticized Aso's private proposal, remarking: "It would be fine for him to expound his theory, but doing so as a member of the government should be avoided from the viewpoint of religious freedom secured in the Constitution." High hurdles to overcome before realization Debate on a review of the status of Yasukuni Shrine is heating up. But there are several high hurdles to clear, like what to do about TOKYO 00004452 007 OF 007 the notion of secularizing the shrine, how to treat the souls of Class-A war criminals, and how to sum up World War II. Former LDP Vice President Taku Yamasaki insists on the need to construct a national secular war memorial. In a speech yesterday, he said: "The notion of secularizing the shrine was discussed some 30 years ago, but it is hard to believe that the shrine will agree to return the status of a religious corporation." Starting from the 1960s through the 1970s, the LDP submitted five times a Yasukuni bill designed to turn the shrine into a special corporation and to defend the spirits of the war dead on the state's responsibility, on the premise of Yasukuni coming up with this proposal. But the bill was killed in June 1974. Yasukuni Shrine was willing to be placed under state control. In part because the shrine was under the jurisdiction of the Army and Navy Department when the war terminated, Yasukuni announced in 1969 plans to emerge itself from the status of a religious corporation. Once the religious status is removed from the shrine, it will become able to receive funds from the central and local governments because donations from them will no longer infringe on the principle of separation between religion and politics. But this plan was dropped because it was difficult to secularize the shrine itself, in addition to strong criticism of the idea of placing Yasukuni under state control as "returning to prewar conditions." At that time, the conservative and progressive forces were at loggerheads. The Legislative Bureau House of Representatives cited as conditions for making Yasukuni Shrine into a nonreligious facility "changing Shinto prayers into simple words intended for the souls of the war dead," "abolishing the sale of paper fortunes," and the like. Yasukuni Shrine, though, reacted fiercely to these conditions, claiming: "That will make the shrine an unidentified facility, with no souls enshrined." The Japan War-Bereaved Association, who had been in favor of placing Yasukuni under state jurisdiction, also gave it up in response to the shrine's reaction. The bereaved group shifted the main purpose of its activities to bringing about an official visit to the shrine by the prime minister. If a bill related to Yasukuni Shrine is submitted to the Diet and once debate on Yasukuni issues starts, politicians will have to face up to the heavy task of summing up World War II. Politics, including the LDP, will be tested over its capabilities. SCHIEFFER