DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 07/31/06

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 10 TOKYO 004259 SIPDIS SIPDIS DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 07/31/06 INDEX: (1) Upper House election one year away (2) The late former prime minister and Class-A war criminal, Koki Hirota's enshrinement at Yasukuni Shrine: Hirota's bereaved family says, "We didn't approve it"; Yasukuni Shrine says, "We didn't obtain prior approval from the family" (3) My view on Yasukuni Shrine (Part 4): Interview with LDP Policy Research Council Vice Chairman Keizo Takemi on Chidorigafuchi National Cemetery (4) Debate: Is US beef safe? - part 1 (5) Editorial: US beef should carry labels marking its origin (6) GSDF pullout from Iraq after completing important mission (Part 4): Mission accomplished (7) Concern about ODA budget cuts breaching international commitment ARTICLES: (1) Upper House election one year away SANKEI (Page 5) (Abridged) July 28, 2006 The Upper House election is just one year away, and it is likely to be an uphill battle for the Liberal Democratic Party, which accomplished an overwhelming victory in the poll five years ago owing to the Koizumi boom. Maintaining a majority will be the top priority for a post-Koizumi administration. The largest opposition party Minshuto (Democratic Party of Japan) has begun careful preparations to force the ruling coalition into the minority. This article examines the progress of preparations by political parties. Stakes high for LDP In the 2001 Upper House election, the LDP achieved a landslide victory by riding Prime Minister Koizumi's coattails. The party is greatly concerned about next year's poll, in which 66 of its seats will be up for grabs. The party garnered only 49 seats in the Upper House election two years ago under the leadership of Koizumi and Secretary General SHINZO Abe. SIPDIS In anticipation of an uphill battle, the party has begun endorsing its candidates several months earlier than usual. The party has already determined its second group of candidates. A total of 55 �A;individuals -- 35 running in electoral districts and 20 seeking proportional representation seats -- have begun making moves. But the party has postponed selecting the third batch of candidates until in October or later in accordance with Koizumi's wishes to let his successor take the lead. Although the LDP Saitama chapter has recommended Keio University Associate Professor Toshiharu Furukawa to party headquarters as a prospective candidate, when the party will make its decision is unknown. "The party should endorse unfamiliar first-time candidates as soon as possible," an LDP member said. TOKYO 00004259 002 OF 010 The aftermath of the Lower House election last year is also serious. Mikio Aoki, chairman of the LDP's Upper House caucus, has repeatedly approached independents who left the LDP over postal privatization with a view to joining forces with them and eventually allowing them to return to the party. Secretary General Tsutomu Takebe has also suggested their return to SIPDIS the party on the condition that they cooperate with the LDP in next summer's Upper House election. Single-seat constituencies are especially vital for the LDP in facing off with Minshuto. In particular, of the seven single-seat constituencies where the LDP has yet to endorse a candidate, either incumbent lawmakers or prefectural chapters revolted against LDP headquarters over postal reform in Yamanashi, Kagawa, Oita, and Nagasaki in the previous Lower House election. As if to add insult to injury, Kokumin Shinto (People's New Party) has endorsed four incumbents and former LDP members, including Hiroko Goto, for the upcoming election. Aoki plans to urge local leaders to rise to action at the national secretaries general meeting on August 1. Minshuto focused on single-seat constituencies Minshuto President Ichiro Ozawa believes winning a majority of the single-seat constituencies will lead to the party's victory in the election next year. Since May, Ozawa has visited many farming areas in the country in an effort to split them off from the LDP. Minshuto's basic strategy is to force the ruling coalition into the minority, resulting in an early dissolution of the Lower House. The party's goal specifically is to win at least 15 of the 29 single-seat constituencies available to garner nearly 60 seats in total. Although the party is certain to win more than its 32 seats that will be up for reelection, the largest opposition party has been slow to determine its candidates. In fact, it has informally decided on candidates only for four constituencies: Tokushima, Kagawa, Saga, and Kagoshima. Minshuto aims to announce its first group of candidates by August 8 and informally decide on all its single-seat candidates by mid-August. But coordination has run into difficulties in the Tohoku and Chugoku regions. On July 27, Ozawa exchanged views in Akita with members of Rengo (Japanese Trade Union Confederation) Akita and local assemblymen. Ozawa is determined to win all four single seats in the Tohoku region: Aomori, Akita, Yamagata, and his home turf of Iwate. Ozawa has visited eight constituencies, including Akita. Of the four constituencies, Ozawa first visited Yamagata, where Minshuto failed to win in the 2004 Upper House election. The party also plans to field multiple candidates in six urban constituencies with more than three seats up for grabs. It also aims for a replay of the 2004 election in which the party won two seats each in Tokyo, Kanagawa, and Aichi. Minshuto plans to undertake full-fledged coordination with other opposition parties with the exception of the Japanese Communist Party. The LDP's attempt to rehabilitate anti-postal-reform lawmakers has been an obstacle for Minshuto. TOKYO 00004259 003 OF 010 Keeping status quo a challenge New Komeito The party wants to add one more seat to its 13 (8 proportional representation seats and 5 electoral district seats) up for reelection. The election will be a test for the new leadership following the resignation of party representative Takenori Kanzaki in late September. The Upper House election will coincide with unified local elections, a combination that occurs only once every 12 years. Alarmed that a consumption tax hike might become a campaign issue along with other matters, the New Komeito announced its first group of candidates in May, two months ahead of regular timetable. In order to garner votes, the party is planning to use unusual means, such as shifting incumbent Yuichiro Uozumi's priority area from southeastern Kanto to the Chubu-Hokuriku region. Japanese Communist Party The party aims for five proportional seats, up one, and to collect 6.5 million votes. It also intends to maintain its sole electoral district seat in Tokyo and win additional seats in Kanagawa and Saitama. Social Democratic Party The party has set a target of at least 5 million proportional representation votes. Although it currently holds only three seats up for reelection, its goal is to win seven electoral districts and proportional representation seats. But it has yet to determine its candidates except for Secretary General Seiji Mataichi, who will run in the proportional representation portion. Kokumin Shinto (People's New Party) The party envisages forcing the ruling coalition into the minority and holding the casting vote. To that end, it is eager to join hands with Minshuto. Although only two seats will be up for grabs, the party has announced that it will field four proportional representation candidates. "We want to field seven to eight proportional representation candidates and a number of candidates for big urban electoral districts," Secretary General Hisaoki Kamei said. (2) The late former prime minister and Class-A war criminal, Koki Hirota's enshrinement at Yasukuni Shrine: Hirota's bereaved family says, "We didn't approve it"; Yasukuni Shrine says, "We didn't obtain prior approval from the family" ASAHI (Page 35) (Abridged) July 27, 2006 Koji Oide The late former Prime Minister Koki Hirota was convicted as a Class-A war criminal and executed. He and other Class-A war criminals were enshrined at Yasukuni Shrine together with the war dead (collective enshrinement or goshi). The Asahi Shimbun asked Hirota's grandson, Kotaro, 67, a former corporate executive, about Hirota's enshrinement at Yasukuni together with the war dead. Kotaro voiced his opposition to his grandfather's enshrinement at the shrine, noting, "We in the Hirota family have never given our approval to the enshrinement at Yasukuni." Yasukuni Shrine enshrined TOKYO 00004259 004 OF 010 Hirota without obtaining his family's approval. It is unusual for the families of the Class-A war criminals to voice opposition to the collective enshrinement as the Hirota family has done. Kotaro is the eldest son of the late former Prime Minister Hirota's eldest son, Hiroo, who is deceased. The former prime minister had six children, all of whom are already dead. Looking back on the days of 1978, when the Class-A war criminals were enshrined at Yasukuni, Kotaro said: "We never agreed to the collective enshrinement. Even now, we don't think our grandfather is enshrined at Yasukuni." This feeling about Yasukuni "represents the thinking of the Hirota family," Kotaro said. The late former Prime Minister Hirota was the only civilian official of the seven Class-A war criminals who were executed. He was accused of, among other charges, nonfeasance because he did not call for a halt to the massacre that occurred and continued in Nanjing even though he was serving as foreign minister. Meanwhile, some have judged Hirota favorably for persistently opposing the war despite pressure from the military. Dutch Judge Roling in the Tokyo Trials in fact submitted a statement seeking that Hirota be found innocent, arguing: "He did not side with the influential group in Japan advocating military aggression." The Hirota family's family temple is located in Fukuoka Prefecture, Hirota's hometown, but because his family placed a portion of his hair at a temple in Kamakura, Kanagawa Prefecture, the relatives worship there. In April 1955, the Ministry of Health and Welfare, the predecessor of the current Ministry of Health, Labor, and Welfare, was planning to hand the ashes of seven Class-A war criminals to their families, but the Hirota family rejected the plan. According to Kotaro, the Hirota family has not joined the Shiragiku Bereaved Family Association, a group composed of the relatives of war criminals. Kotaro said: "I sometimes visit Yasukuni Shrine and offer a prayer to the war dead who lost their lives fighting for the sake of the country. My grandfather was neither a serviceman nor one of the war dead. I think Yasukuni Shrine has nothing to do with our family." Yasukuni Shrine's Public Relations Office said, "Before and after the war and even today, we have informed the bereaved families, including the Hirota family, of enshrinement, but we have never sought their prior agreement." Saburo Shiroyama, the author of Rakujitsu Moyu (Blazing Setting Sun),a biographic novel of the late former Prime Minister Hirota, commented: "The feelings expressed by a member of the Hirota family were the same as I had presumed. I have nothing to add to the family member's comments. I think the comments came after taking fully into consideration what and how Prime Minister Hirota would say." It's significant Statement by Ikuhiko Hata, contemporary historian In the prewar days, Yasukuni Shrine honored only military personnel who lost their lives on the battlefield. The Class-A war criminals, especially Koki Hirota, would not have imagined they would be honored there. Hirota was a diplomat and not a military official. This is a clear difference with the soldiers who went to battle in anticipation of being enshrined at Yasukuni if they lost their TOKYO 00004259 005 OF 010 lives. Yasukuni Shrine Chief Priest Nagayoshi Matsudaira decided to enshrine the Class-A war criminals collectively, apparently with the aim of underscoring that the Tokyo Trials were unreasonable, but before doing so, he should have obtained at least approval from the bereaved families. The shrine's negligence in this context has now been made clear by the remarks of a Hirota family member. The Hirota family has become the first among those bereaved families to raise clear objection to the collective enshrinement, and that is significant indeed. (3) My view on Yasukuni Shrine (Part 4): Interview with LDP Policy Research Council Vice Chairman Keizo Takemi on Chidorigafuchi National Cemetery MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full) July 29, 2006 Takashi Tanigawa: Why has the notion of expanding the Chidorigafuchi National Cemetery become prevalent now? Keizo Takemi: In the process of administrative and fiscal reforms, an argument emerged to utilize nationally owned land and housing units for civil servants. There are housing units for civil servants next to the cemetery. A project team has been launched under Policy Research Council Hidenao Nakagawa to review those units centering on the cemetery, and I have undertaken the task as the chair. Tanigawa: There is a view that the study will result in a new national war memorial. Takemi: The Chidorigafuchi National Cemetery is dedicated to unidentified and unclaimed remains of those who died overseas in the Pacific War and other wars. It is a national and secular venue to offer condolences and prayers. There is no need to change the purpose, and the cemetery is compatible with Yasukuni Shrine. That should be understood clearly. Tanigawa: Are you saying that expanding the cemetery is distinct from the concept to build a national war memorial? Takemi: That's right. They are two separate matters. Tanigawa: You took a first look at the cemetery and housing units for civil servants. What is your impression of them? Takemi: My impression is that they sit in an isolated environment. Access to the cemetery is not good. Many people visit there around August 15 every year, but there are few restrooms, and other facilities need improvements, as well. We need a place where visitors can relax and rest. Tanigawa: Do you envisage visits by foreign leaders? Takemi: Foreign leaders may visit there once facilities are improved. Tanigawa: What is your view of Yasukuni Shrine? Takemi: The shrine, which is the only place to pay tribute to those who died fighting for their country, is controlled by a religious TOKYO 00004259 006 OF 010 corporation. Such an arrangement is improper from a future-oriented perspective. Complex equations, such as the relationship between state and religion and the provision of a venue to offer condolences and prayers, must be resolved. Tanigawa: What about the memorandum showing Emperor Showa's (Hirohito) displeasure with the enshrinement of Class-A war criminals at Yasukuni Shrine? Takemi: It made me realize that the emperor had born in mind how precious peace was throughout the postwar period. The memo carries historical significance. It was good in that it will prompt the public to show an interest (in the Yasukuni issue). I think it will also help set off a healthy, probing domestic discussion. Tanigawa: There is a possibility that an expansion of the cemetery will become a campaign issue for the LDP presidency. Takemi: I will handle the matter carefully so that the matter will not become a campaign issue. Tanigawa: When are you going to reach a conclusion? Takemi: It will be after the LDP presidential election, but before the end of the year. The cemetery was established through a variety of discussions. We need to be magnanimous and willing to accept new developments. (4) Debate: Is US beef safe? - part 1 MAINICHI (Page 3) (Full) July 31, 2006 John Queen, president-elect of the National Cattlemen's Beef Association (NCBA): We will do our utmost in order to prevent a recurrence of any mistake; Do not punish the entire nation! Prions, the infectious agents that cause BSE in cattle, tend to accumulate in specified risk materials (SRM),such as brains, spinal cords, etc. We are sorry that we have violated the agreement reached with Japan, by shipping veal that contained SRM in January. We have done everything we could do in order to settle the problem. We have strictly trained inspectors at meat processing plants. At least two inspectors check Japan-bound beef products so that no mistake will occur. However, even if the inclusion of such a material is a violation of the agreement, the Japanese government must have known that the veal shipped by mistake came from a calf that was less than eight months of age. The case in point is not a safety issue but an issue concerning a trade regulation, namely the removal of SRM. Why on earth should the entire United States be punished? Will the US place a ban on imports of all Japanese vehicles, if some Japanese automaker uses fan belts that are banned in the US? The US has lost a beef export opportunity worth 1.4 billion dollars a year due to Japan's ban on US beef imports. If Japan places a total ban on US beef imports for a small mistake without any scientific grounds, then it cannot be said that the trade practice is fair. The US has made strenuous efforts to prevent a recurrence of any inclusion of SRM in shipments. There will be no more mistakes. However, we are only human. Should another mistake occur, we want Japan to punish only the concerned beef processing plant, instead of TOKYO 00004259 007 OF 010 the whole of the US. The US conducted BSE tests on roughly 760,000 head of cattle for about two years starting in 2004, and identified two infected cases. No BSE-infected cows were found among Japan-bound cattle aged 20 months or younger. In fact, it is impossible to determine through inspection whether BSE-causing agents exist in the brains and spinal cords of Japan-bound cattle that are aged 20 months or younger. However, we remove all SRM from Japan-bound cattle in accordance with the agreement with Japan. We consider Japan-bound US beef to be extremely safe. In order to identify cattle aged 20 months or younger, we adopt a quality system evaluation program for cattle to be exported to Japan in order to indicate from which ranches the products have been shipped. It is not necessary for the US to carry out a blanket cattle test, because the rate of BSE-infected US beef is extremely low and SRM are removed from all cattle. Approximately 37 million head of beef cattle are slaughtered in a year in the US. The cost of the blanket testing will total 800 million dollars a year, as testing one cow costs 20 to 25 dollars. The US Department of Agriculture will curtail the number of cattle subject to the BSE test to 40,000 in August, but this does not present any problem because the number of cattle the World Organization for Animal Health (OIE) recommends for testing is 4,000. (5) Editorial: US beef should carry labels marking its origin NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Full) July 28, 2006 The government placed a ban on imports of US beef due to faulty BSE preventive measures in the US, but it yesterday formally decided to lift the embargo. Now that the ban has been removed, we want the US to make sure that any incident that could raise doubts about the safety of its beef, such as the inclusion of so-called specified risk materials (SRM),including vertebral columns, in a shipment, will not happen again. Since the government has determined that US beef is as safe as domestic beef and has now reopened the market, we are not particularly nervous about the safety of US beef. However, we want the government to familiarize distributors and the restaurant industry with a country-of-origin labeling requirement in order to enable consumers to make their own decision as to whether to eat US beef or not. Some companies are willing to use US beef, but mindful of consumer responses, many retailers and restaurant chains seem cautious about selling or using it. That is because they think consumer anxieties are still deep-rooted due to the aftermath of the inclusion of SRM in a shipment after the removal of the embargo last December. Industrial circles will likely wait and see for the time being. In essence, whether consumption of US beef will recover or not is up to consumers. It is not until the number of consumers who buy US beef has increased that one can say that trust in US beef has recovered. In that sense, it is important that US beef carries country-of-origin labels to allow consumers to make a decision. Retailers are obligated to attach country-of-origin labels to the products they sell. We want them to familiarize themselves more with the regulation. The restaurant industry last July established country-of-origin labeling guidelines for food. As a result, an increasing number of TOKYO 00004259 008 OF 010 leading chains now provide such information. We want to see leading restaurant chains, as well as other restaurants, adopt the labeling system for beef. In case they do not adopt the labeling system, it is important for them to train their employees so that they can explain the country of origin of the products they handle. Japan introduced a traceability system for perishable foods following the discovery of a BSE-positive cow. It has become mandatory for retailers disclose the country of origin of the products they sell. Some imported beef products, such as Australian or New Zealand products, carry country-of-origin labels. The fundamental cause of the complicated US beef import issue is that it is not possible to grasp the actual BSE situation in the US. In order to defuse the anxieties harbored by Japanese consumers, too, we hope more US meatpackers will become able to track cattle by date and place of birth or where they are raised and disclose such information. (6) GSDF pullout from Iraq after completing important mission (Part 4): Mission accomplished SANKEI (Page 30) (Full) July 27, 2006 On July 25, a little past 8:30 a.m., Ground Self-Defense Force Col. Toshihiro Yamanaka, 45, who commanded the 10th contingent of GSDF troops to Iraq, showed up in the international arrival lobby of Haneda Airport, where GSDF Gen. Hajime Massaki, chief of the Self-Defense Forces' Joint Staff Office, firmly shook the returning colonel's hand. The SDF's top brass officer said to the colonel, "Good job." The general then shook hands with 280 GSDF members who were in the last batch to be back home from Iraq. "Danger was next neighbor to their mission," Massaki admitted. "That's why," he guessed, "they were probably feeling fulfilled." He added, "Each of the returning GSDF members looked straight into my eyes and shook my hand." So saying, Massaki looked really pleased to see them all back home. In January 2004, Massaki sent out the first contingent of GSDF troops to Iraq. He was then in the post of GSDF chief of staff to top all GSDF personnel. Since then, two and a half years has passed. Massaki, meanwhile, served as chairman of the SDF Joint Staff Council and then as chief of the SDF Joint Staff Office. With his responsibility becoming heavier, Massaki worked under extreme pressure. However, he never forgot-even for one single day-to care about the GSDF members working in the southern Iraqi city of Samawah. Every morning Iraq time, Massaki received a report from commanding officers in Samawah over the telephone, except when he was on an overseas trip or for some other unavoidable circumstances. And he did not forget to encourage them. "I tried to listen to them so that I could let out their pent-up feelings," Massaki said. "I wanted to cool them down even for a moment," he added. Massaki not only encouraged the Samawah-based commanding officers. Massaki happened to see a female GSDF member with her sleeves rolled up in video footage showing how GSDF members were doing in Iraq. Massaki warned her commanding officer over the telephone that it was a violation of Islamic culture, and he also advised the commander to TOKYO 00004259 009 OF 010 tell all female GSDF members not to show their skin. Also, when Massaki discovered an Iraqi woman in a transmitted picture, he raised strict caution about pointing the camera at Iraqi women. "That's why one in the US forces was shot," he admonished. At one time, GSDF members held sporting events at their Samawah camp with British and Australian forces. Massaki, however, told them to get into the local communities of Iraqi people. He pointed to the lax atmosphere and urged the GSDF members to pull themselves together. Massaki's heart was always in Samawah. It was his responsibility for the GSDF members he sent there, and it was also like parents thinking of their children. The first time Massaki sent GSDF members to Iraq, he had something in mind as a matter of fact. Massaki had told himself not to lose his head should the GSDF's Iraq detachment unfortunately sustain casualties. He wrote down what he would have to say in that eventuality. Massaki had anticipated public sensitivities in Japan to such GSDF casualties. However, Massaki had made up his mind to state in his prepared press remarks that Japan would have to overcome such a tragedy without wasting the loss of valuable lives among those GSDF members working in Iraq. Massaki thought to himself that he must not show his weakness, so he worded nothing at all in his memo about his resignation. Now that the memo is no longer needed, Massaki looks back on the GSDF's Iraq mission over the past two and a half years. "I'm sure," Massaki recalled, "the GSDF's organization, its way of working, and its training exercises are good enough to make it in the international community." He added, "We're in the age of internationalization, so we'd like to make still greater contributions to peace and stability in the region." In addition, Massaki underscored the GSDF's dispatch of troops to Iraq from all its district armies in Japan and also laid emphasis on the GSDF's experience in Iraq. "We can get big power from this experience," he said. He went on, "And our visible, invisible assets in the future are immeasurable." His words were filled with a sense of satisfaction as the SDF's top brass hat with the GSDF's accomplishment of an important mission. This is the last of a four-part series, GSDF pullout from Iraq after completing important mission. (7) Concern about ODA budget cuts breaching international commitment YOMIURI (Page 13) (Excerpts) July 19, 2006 Tsuneo Sugishita, professor at Ibaraki University SIPDIS The government on July 7 adopted at a cabinet meeting basic policy guidelines on economic and fiscal management and structural reforms, prepared by the Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy. The basic guidelines are intended to bring the primary balance into TOKYO 00004259 010 OF 010 the black by around fiscal 2011. It has already been reported that to be specific, the aim is to cut expenditures by up to 14 trillion yen and reform the tax system. However, intensive discussions were not held on cuts in official development assistance (ODA). In this article, I would like to delve into the possible impact of continuous cuts in the ODA budget. The Finance Ministry has already drafted the ceiling for budget request estimates for fiscal 2007. A year-on-year reduction rate for the fiscal 2007 ODA budget to be released on July 21 is estimated to be between 2% and 4%. The ODA budget will be slashed approximately 140 billion yen from the current level by fiscal 2011 if an annual reduction rate over the next five years is estimated at about 4%, the average reduction rate for the past three years. This means that 80% of the grant aid portion (approximately 170 billion yen) and 90% of the amount appropriated to the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA),an organization that implements technical cooperation, will disappear. Aside from yen loans, which are funded by funds for fiscal investment and loans, technical cooperation and grant aid, which are funded by the general-account budget, are bound to suffer a big blow. To begin with, the ODA budget has continued to suffer cutbacks since fiscal 1997. The general account in the fiscal 2006 initial budget earmarked approximately 760 billion yen for ODA, down about 35% from the fiscal 1997 initial budget, the peak year for ODA. Given other major spending items in the tight budget compiled in the same fiscal year, cuts in public works expenses stood at 16.4% and cuts in defense-related expenses at 2.7%. A comparison with these spending items highlights the heavy cuts to ODA. A complex issue concerning ODA is that fluctuations in ODA funds are always closely related to the livelihood of the peoples of developing countries. Approximately 400 billion yen has been slashed from the ODA budget since fiscal 1997. As a result, more than 40% of ODA recipients now receive less than half the amount they received prior to fiscal 1997. It has been reported that cuts in Japan's ODA are seriously affecting medical services and food situations in those countries. Prime Minister Koizumi during last year's G-8 Summit pledged to boost ODA by 10 billion dollars over the next five years. However, if an ODA budget is compiled based on the adopted basic policy guidelines, a breach of Japan's international commitment will emerge as an issue. As the future of the state depends on this policy, it is not possible to oppose it. However, even if the nation's primary balance is reconstructed in five years' time, the government will face the question of the purpose of fiscal reconstruction if Japan becomes isolated in the international community and loses its credibility. SCHIEFFER