DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 07/05/06

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 09 TOKYO 003732 SIPDIS SIPDIS DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 07/05/06 INDEX: (1) Japan, US unite against DPRK, aim to refer missile launch to UNSC and work together to impose economic sanctions against Pyongyang (2) Main points from a statement by the chief cabinet secretary on North Korea's missiles launches and a press conference by the defense chief (3) Government to ban entry of Mangyongbong-92 into Japanese ports for six months, limit personnel exchanges (4) Multilayered relationship with US indispensable for post-Koizumi government (5) Editorial: Japan, US urged to establish relationship going beyond reliance on "friendship" (6) Ozawa-Hu meeting: China clearly distinguishes Japanese politicians understanding China's stance over Yasukuni issue from others (7) Editorial: US-India nuclear agreement; Prime Minister should not consent to it ARTICLES: (1) Japan, US unite against DPRK, aim to refer missile launch to UNSC and work together to impose economic sanctions against Pyongyang YOMIURI (Page 2) (Excerpts) Eve., July 5, 2006 The Japanese government has taken North Korea's launching of ballistic missiles this time as an extremely deplorable act that is a threat to Japan's security. Tokyo intends to work in closer cooperation with the US government to step up pressure on North Korea swiftly. The challenge facing Japan ahead of referring the matter to the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is how to get cooperation from China and Russia, which are both friendly with North Korea. Main points of the measures for the Japanese government to take against DPRK ¶1. Measures against North Korea (1) Japan calls for a moratorium on North Korea's missile-launching and demands that North Korea return to the six-party talks on its nuclear programs quickly and unconditionally. (2) Japan prohibits the North Korean ship Man Gyong Bong from calling at Japanese ports. (3) Japan basically bans re-entries into Japan by North Korean officials and North Korean ship crews. (4) Japan bans re-entries into Japan by North Korean officials residing in Japan who are now in North Korea. (5) Japan cancels plans for Japanese government officials to visit North Korea and ask the Japanese public to refrain from traveling to North Korea. (6) Japan bans charter flights from North Korea to Japan. (7) Japan applies more strict export controls on products relating TOKYO 00003732 002 OF 009 to North Korea's missiles and nuclear programs. (8) Japan rigorously applies laws to illegal acts. (9) Japan considers more punitive measures while watching the moves of North Korea. ¶2. Cooperation with other countries (1) Japan works in closer cooperation with the United States. (2) Japan works on the United Nations Security Council to take proper steps. (3) Japan makes coordination and exchanges views with other countries at such fora as the six-party talks on North Korea's nuclear programs and the Group of Eight industrialized nations summit conference. (2) Main points from a statement by the chief cabinet secretary on North Korea's missiles launches and a press conference by the defense chief YOMIURI (Page 2) (Full) Evening, July 5, 2006 A statement by Chief Cabinet Secretary Shinzo Abe ¶1. North Korea launched a number of ballistic missiles or some types of projectiles in the early hours of July 5. The government is making every effort to take actions in response. ¶2. From the viewpoints of the nonproliferation of weapons of mass destruction, Japan's security, and the peace and stability of the international community, it was grave that North Korea conducted the launches despite prior warnings by countries concerned, including Japan. The launches conflict with a joint statement issued by the members of the six-party talks (proclaiming the peace and stability of Northeast Asia). Japan will sternly protest North Korea and express regret. Japan will strongly urge North Korea to take action by abiding by the missile-launch moratorium (specified in the Japan-DPRK Pyongyang Declaration) and return to the six-party talks swiftly and unconditionally. ¶3. Japan will take stern actions and speedily decide on measures according to law. ¶4. The international community must harshly condemn the launches. Japan will continue to coordinate closely with countries concerned, including the United States, Japan's ally, to get the United Nations Security Council deal with the matter appropriately. At a press conference Question: Is there a possibility that the North will launch more missiles? Abe: We cannot rule out that possibility. Question: Is Japan going to invoke economic sanctions against North Korea? Abe: Of course, we have such an option in mind. We will consider any sanctions Japan can take against the North. Question: How do you find the effectiveness of the Japan-DPRK Pyongyang Declaration? TOKYO 00003732 003 OF 009 Abe: (The missile launches are) a violation of the declaration. Question: How do you think the upcoming G-8 summit will deal with the matter? Abe: There is every reason for the summit to address the issue. Main points from a press conference by Defense Agency Director General Fukushiro Nukaga Nukaga: As a result of studying intelligence comprehensively, we believe the first, second, fourth, fifth, and sixth missiles were launched from the southeastern part of North Korea. The third one was launched from the Taepodong area. We also believe that the first, second, fourth, fifth, and sixth missiles were Scud or Rodong missiles, and the third a Taepodong. Question: Was it a Taepodong-2? Nukaga: We believe it was a Taepodong-2. Question: It flew only a short distance. Nukaga: It might have failed on its own. Question: Has the Taepodong-2 missile on the launch pad gone? Nukaga: We have yet to confirm it. Question: Are there any chances for the North to launch additional missiles? Nukaga: Intelligence gathering is underway. We are still confirming such likelihood. Question: Did you expect for the North to launch more than one ballistic missile? Nukaga: In the process of gathering intelligence, we did not think specifically about how the North would launch a Scud, Rodong, or Taepodong. However, we had anticipated every possible situation. (3) Government to ban entry of Mangyongbong-92 into Japanese ports for six months, limit personnel exchanges NIHON KEIZAI (Page 1) (Full) Evening, July 5, 2006 The Japanese government severely protested to North Korea through the North Korean Embassy in Beijing this morning against its missile launches, claiming: "The missile launches directly affect our nation's security and violate the Japan-North Korea Pyongyang Declaration (that calls for extending the missile-launch moratorium)." The North Korean embassy replied: "We will report it to our home government." Japan-North Korea relations have already been cooled down over abduction and other issues, but the bilateral relations will unavoidably be stranded further. The future of the six-party talks on North Korea's nuclear development problem is also unclear. In a meeting of its Security Council this afternoon, the government decided to take nine sanction measures, including those to: (1) ban TOKYO 00003732 004 OF 009 North Korean officials from entering Japan; (2) prohibit North Korean officials now in Japan from re-entering Japan after heading to North Korea; (3) have Japanese public servants refrain from traveling to North Korea for the time being; and (4) ban the entry of chartered flights from North Korea into Japan; in addition to barring the North Korean ferry Mangyongbong-92 for six months. The port entry ban is based on the specified vessels' port-entry prohibition law. To invoke the law, a cabinet decision is necessary. The government has received a cabinet approval prior to the Security Council meeting. The government has also such options as halting the remittance of money from Japan to North Korea and suspending trade activities, based on the revised Foreign Exchange and Foreign Trade Control Law. But it has decided not to take these measures this time. The government intends to take additional steps while carefully watching Pyongyang's moves. The government set up a taskforce in the Prime Minister's office at 4:00 a.m. and held two meetings of the Security Council. Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi instructed the participants in the meetings to "give accurate information to the public." Chief Cabinet Secretary Abe issued a statement criticizing North Korea's actions as a violation of the Japan-North Korea Pyongyang Declaration, international law, as well as the joint statement issued by the six-party talks. (4) Multilayered relationship with US indispensable for post-Koizumi government NIHON KEIZAI (Page 1) (Full) July 1, 2006 With the adoption of a joint statement called the Japan-US Alliance of the New Century by Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi and US President George W. Bush, the Japan-US relationship has now entered a new age. The future course of bilateral relations depends on how far Tokyo and Washington will be able to expand the scope of cooperative ties. On June 29, the two leaders met in the Oval Office at the White House. They had to leave there soon for another meeting in the next large room. But Bush was reluctant to get out of the room with Koizumi. So was Koizumi. They went on with their conversation. Koizumi does not like to take anything written for him to read. He prefers doing ad-lib. Prior to the first Koizumi-Bush meeting in June 2001, an administrative official suggested Koizumi not play a catch because it would be dangerous if he missed a catch. But he did not listen to the advice and started paying a catch with Bush. He did not have any scenario for the recent meeting with Bush. The two leaders, who have good chemistry, concurred on dealing with the international situation that was changed by the 9/11 terrorist attacks on the US. The Ground Self-Defense Force troops he dispatched to Iraq are now about to return home safely. Such a turn of fortune's wheel and luck led to strengthening the Japan-US alliance. Bush weighed cooperation in the war on terror. Koizumi decided to have a Maritime Self-Defense Force fleet continue refueling US naval vessels operating in the Indian Ocean and keep an Air Self-Defense TOKYO 00003732 005 OF 009 Force squadron in the Middle East. This decision has heightened Japan's presence. From the standpoint of attaching importance to its relations with the United States, Koizumi immediately decided to support Washington's war on terrorists. He, however, did not build a honeymoon-like friendship with Bush by only offering cooperation. Koizumi told a senior Foreign Ministry official last fall: "Don't you think we will be able to withdraw the SDF from its backup mission for Afghanistan?" The official said to Koizumi: "Since the SDF mission to the Indian Ocean is participation in international antiterrorism measures, the international community highly values Japan's participation." Koizumi was then quoted as saying, "If so, I will pull the GSDF out of Iraq during my tenure as prime minister." Before the opening of the Iraq war, Koizumi explained behind the scenes the need for a resolution by the United Nations, saying, "The United Nations has authority. It is important to respect the authority of the UN." Bush then questioned Koizumi, "Does it mean legitimacy?" Koizumi quickly answered, "That's right." Koizumi even refused the president's request for a teleconference. When making international decisions, Bush reportedly said to the leaders of other countries, however, "Would you wait for a second. I will inform Koizumi of this by phone." Based on accumulated frank exchanges, Bush extended the unprecedented red carpet treatment to Koizumi, but it's not a result of Japan's solely tilting toward the United States. Concern about lack of Japan experts In the first term of the Bush administration, there were communication channels between Japanese and US officials, in addition to the relationship of trust between the two leaders. With then Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage and other US governments officials, communication channels between the White House and the Prime Minister's office, between the State Department and the Foreign Ministry, between the Defense Department and the Defense Agency, worked well. In the second term of the Bush administration, however, Deputy Secretary of State Zoellick would not meet with Japanese government SIPDIS officials. Therefore, vice minister-level talks were discontinued and it seems that only one communication channel between Koizumi and Bush remains. On June 28, Koizumi and Japanese officials arrived at the Blair House, the president's guesthouse. They were filled with deep emotion, wondering if there was any other Japanese prime minister who stayed at the Blair House three times and if there will be any other Japanese premier in the future to do so. They felt slight concern that whether the post-Koizumi government would be able to build a good relationship with Bush. US government officials who supported the friendly ties between Koizumi and Bush have already left the Bush administration. Bilateral economic issues have yet to be completely resolved. In an attempt to get through the greatly changing international situation, Japan has no realistic choice but to strengthen the alliance with the United States. Japan, therefore, needs to build a multilayered relationship between Japanese and US government officials, not just the friendship between the two leaders. TOKYO 00003732 006 OF 009 (5) Editorial: Japan, US urged to establish relationship going beyond reliance on "friendship" MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full) July 1, 2006 Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi visited the US and met with United States President George W. Bush at the White House. In their meeting, the two leaders confirmed the achievements the two countries have produced through bilateral cooperation. They also issued a joint document titled: "The Japan-US Alliance of the New Century." The summit between Koizumi and Bush marked the 13th, following the one in Kyoto last November. This was the first official visit by a Japanese prime minister in seven years since Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi went there and the last official US visit for Koizumi prior to leaving office in September. The two leaders aimed to put the finishing touches to the bilateral relations over the past five years and to pave the way for the current favorable bilateral relations to be maintained even after Koizumi steps down. Koizumi and Bush issued the first joint document since they released in their first meeting in June 2001 the joint statement highlighting "the unshakable alliance partnership." In the joint document this time, the two leaders used the expression that "the Japan-US alliance under a global context." This expression was used in the Koizumi-Bush meeting held at Bush's private residence in Texas in May 2003 but was included in a document for the first time. The change of the wording expressing Japan-US relations from "unshakable alliance" into "alliance under a global context" reflects major changes in the international community, like the terrorist attacks on the US in September 2001 and the subsequent US war on terror, North Korea's nuclear ambitions, as well as China's military build-up. Given an increasing number of elements destabilizing the region, the role of rocksolid ties between Japan and the US, based on their security arrangement, is becoming more essential to maintain peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region. Prime Minister Koizumi, on the strength of his close personal ties with Bush, succeeded in solidifying the relations between Japan and the US over the past five years. His contribution merits appreciation. Prime Minister Koizumi, though, failed to utilize the favorable relations with the US in carrying out international politics, as represented by Japan's failure to acquire a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). In addition to China's adamant opposition, Washington's cool response was decisive, resulting in exposing the limit of Koizumi diplomacy lacing a comprehensive strategy while relying only on the personal ties established between the two leaders. The stagnation in his policy toward East Asia offset the achievements Koizumi produced in relations with the US. North Korea reportedly is preparing to launch a long-range Taepodong-2 missile. In negotiations on the abduction issue, too, there has been no progress made. Despite such circumstances, Japan remains unable to hold summit meetings with China and South Korea. This situation is quite irritating. As long as Japan continues unusual relations with its neighbors, Japan will be placed at a disadvantage in Asia and TOKYO 00003732 007 OF 009 the US will not benefit, either. The joint document specified Japan-US relations as "one of the most accomplished bilateral relationships in history." It also advocated the advancement of universal values such as freedom, human rights, and democracy, as well as the war on terrorism. The document also highlighted the "Japan-US alliance under a global context" based on such common interests as the promotion of market mechanisms. It is natural for the two countries to expand cooperation in wider areas, including natural disasters, bird flu, and energy development, but the problem is cooperation between the US forces in Japan and the Self-Defense Forces (SDF) after realignment plans are implemented. Under this context, the issue of creating a permanent law for SDF missions overseas is likely to float up in the future. But Koizumi is about to step down as prime minister without explaining about such key issues, leaving such heavy challenges to his successor. (6) Ozawa-Hu meeting: China clearly distinguishes Japanese politicians understanding China's stance over Yasukuni issue from others YOMIURI (Page 4) (Full) July 5, 2006 Chinese President Hu Jintao has refused to meet Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi because of his visits to Yasukuni Shrine, but he met Minshuto (Democratic Party of Japan) President Ichiro Ozawa on July 4. The dominant view in the government is that the meeting was intended to apply pressure on Japanese officials who are supportive of Prime Minister Koizumi and his visits to Yasukuni Shrine. Some are reacting to China's stance of distinguishing politicians understanding China's position from others. Meanwhile, some officials are paying attention to the fact that President Hu sidestepped the Yasukuni issue in the meeting with Ozawa. Asked for his comment on the view dominant in the government that the Chinese president's meeting with Ozawa was intended to put pressure on Prime Minister Koizumi, the prime minister told reporters last night, expressing displeasure: "I do not think so. There is no need for me to be shaken up." President Hu has refused to meet with Koizumi since April last year, citing his visits to Yasukuni Shrine as the main reason. When former Minshuto head Seiji Maehara, who defined China as a threat, visited China, Hu also refused to meet him. Meanwhile, President Hu met with representatives from seven Japan-China friendship groups, including former Prime Minister Hashimoto, when they traveled to China this March. This time, too, Hu invited to China Ozawa and other senior Minshuto members critical of the enshrinement of Class-A war criminals at Yasukuni Shrine. The Chinese president thus has apparently sorted out Japanese politicians. Chief Cabinet Secretary Shinzo Abe criticized the Chinese president's stance, remarking: "Holding a summit is important for the two countries. Under matured relations, both sides, if they find perception differences existing between them, should recognize the other side's position." The contents of the president's remarks, though, have slightly TOKYO 00003732 008 OF 009 changed recently. In a meeting with incoming Ambassador to China Yuji Miyamoto, Hu indicated his eagerness to visit Japan, saying: "I hope that conditions will be arranged and I will be able to visit your country at a proper time," without referring to the Yasukuni issue. Hu also sidestepped the Yasukuni issue in the meeting with Ozawa. A senior Foreign Ministry official commented: "President Hu is exploring ways to set down the load called Yasukuni issue and to improve the strained relations with Japan." In a meeting with Liberal Democratic Party's Commission on the Constitution Chairman Hajime Funada, Chinese Foreign Vice Minister Wu Tawei made a remark that approved visits to Yasukuni Shrine by politicians other than the prime minister, the chief cabinet secretary, and the foreign minister. Some observers analyze the SIPDIS remark as a breaking ball directed at a successor to Koizumi, with an eye to the upcoming LDP presidential election. Abe, the most likely candidate as successor to Prime Minister Koizumi, said in a press conference yesterday: "The freedom of religion and the freedom of offering condolences to those who lost their lives for the state must not be violated." The government and the ruling coalition are also critical of Ozawa for his meeting with Chinese President Hu. Ozawa told Hu in their meeting: "Relations among Japan, the US, and China must be an isosceles triangle." Foreign Minister Taro Aso reacted fiercely to this remark yesterday: "Japan and the US share universal values. A triangle is inconceivable." Abe also emphatically said: "Japan-China relations are important, but the two countries are not allies." (7) Editorial: US-India nuclear agreement; Prime Minister should not consent to it ASAHI (Page 3) (Full) June 28, 2006 Prime Minister Koizumi has left Japan for his last visit to the US as prime minister. In talks with President Bush, the two leaders will likely praise the honeymoon period between the two countries, which they have enjoyed over the past five years. However, a knotty issue has emerged. That is a nuclear agreement signed between the US and India this March. India carried out a nuclear test in 1998, openly challenging the efforts of the international community to prevent nuclear proliferation. It did not join the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT),criticizing it as an unfair treaty. However, the Bush administration has agreed to cooperate with India for its utilization of nuclear energy, by providing nuclear fuel and technology. The US is now calling on European nations and Japan to endorse this agreement. It is said that President Bush himself will likely call for Japan's cooperation on this agreement during the upcoming summit. This is apparently a double standard. The NPT authorizes the possession of nuclear arms only be the US, Russia, Britain, France and Asia. Other countries are allowed to use nuclear energy and receive international cooperation instead of possessing nuclear arms. If only India is made an exception to this rule, the non-proliferation framework will have another major inconsistency. The US administration's logic is: India is a democratic country. TOKYO 00003732 009 OF 009 There is no concern that nation will sell nuclear technology to other countries. If it tries to meet its sharply increasing demand for energy resources with oil, the supply and demand of oil in the world could be thrown into chaos. That is the reason why the US should assist India for its use of atomic energy. Then, what will the US do, if Pakistan, which carried out a nuclear test in the same year, seeks similar treatment? The international community is now working hard on Iran, which has said it would join in the NPT and undergo international inspection, to abandon its nuclear development program. It is out of the question to allow such an overt double standard. The US-India nuclear agreement is bound to have a negative impact on the six-party talks designed to have North Korea abandon its nuclear development program. If the US says that it is all right to provide nuclear cooperation to a democratic country, then it could encourage Japanese and South Korean advocates of their countries arming themselves with nuclear weapons. International cooperation on the peaceful use of nuclear energy should be promoted, based on a non-nuclear principle. It is impermissible to break the major non-proliferation principle with such an agreement. The prime minister should clearly notify President Bush of this position of Japan. The US Congress is also concurred about the double standard. There is no prospect for revising a related law, a procedure needed in order to implement the agreement. The strategic importance of this agreement for India, which has a population of 1.1 billion and whose economy is rapidly developing, is understandable. India is now the largest recipient of Japan's assistance. Interest in its market is also growing. It is an indispensable player for the stability and development of Asia. However, it is consistent for Japan to maintain the non-proliferation stance, while strengthening ties with that nation. Japan should work on India to abandon its nuclear arms, while talking about Asia for its future coexistence. Japan, the only atomic-bombed country, cannot participate in a move to cause a major setback of the NPT regime. SCHIEFFER