DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 05/25/06

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 13 TOKYO 002913 SIPDIS SIPDIS DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 05/25/06 INDEX: (1) Mitarai-led Nippon Keidanren; Will change Japan by innovation to create technology-independent country; Challenge is to root out corporate corruption (2) Close-up 2006 column - Japan-China and Japan-ROK foreign ministerial talks: Strategic differences in diplomacy seen by China's flexibility, ROK's tough stance (3) 2006 LDP presidential race (Part 2): Intensifying confrontation over Yasukuni Shrine issue; Emphasis on China policy (4) Guam relocation masterplan to be out in July or August: Pentagon official (5) US military housing constructed in Okinawa Prefecture for 2,936 households over past 27 years since 1979; Costs total 119.7 billion yen (6) Editorial: in final phase of current Diet session, what should be tackled on priority basis? (7) Reading the times: Japan's peculiarity seen in Basic Education Law (8) Difficulty in creating measures to reverse declining birthrate, with different plans presented by government panel, LDP, New Komeito ARTICLES: (1) Mitarai-led Nippon Keidanren; Will change Japan by innovation to create technology-independent country; Challenge is to root out corporate corruption YOMIURI (Page 9) (Excerpts) May 25, 2006 The Japan Business Federation (Nippon Keidanren) yesterday formally launched a new leadership arrangement under Fujio Mitarai, chairman of Canon. Hopes are being pinned on the Mitarai, who is the first chairman elected from the information technology and high-tech industrial sector. His selection ushers in a new phase of leadership for Nippon Keidanren, which has until now been centered on smokestack industries. Canon's influence in business circles is smaller than that of Toyota Motors, where former chairman Hiroshi Okuda hailed from. The organization faces difficult issues, such as rooting out corporate wrongdoings in Japan and strengthening relations with political circles in order to have its policy lines realized. Personnel selection Mitarai's assumption of the chairmanship of Nippon Keidanren reflects changes in Japan's industrial structure. Hailing from the high-tech sector, he has made clear his intention to aim for a technology-independent country with "Innovate Japan" as a slogan. For the posts of vice chairmen, he picked Kunai Egashira, chairman of Ajinomoto, which is developing genome-related technologies, and Fumiaki Watari, chairman of Nippon Oil Corporation, who will be responsible for the energy sector. The TOKYO 00002913 002 OF 013 selections show that Mitarai took into account central issues facing Japan, such as the fostering of state-of-the art technology and securing natural resources. Nippon Keidanren's membership is now much more diverse than before, with such companies as Yoshimoto Co. Jp., Rakuten and Softbank having joined. The Mitarai-led Nippon Keidanren will be pressed to act in line with the wishes of new industries ranging from information technology to the movie industry. Handicap With Toyota's total sales topping 21 trillion yen and Canon's at approximately 3.7 trillion yen, there is a world of difference in the sizes of the two companies. Toyota has so many affiliated companies that it is said that most companies in the nation have relations with it in some form or other, as one senior official of an economic organization put it. Toyota's influence on business circles is huge. Mitarai is handicapped in that respect. Canon has a 20-strong team of staff members that prop up the company's activities in business circles. However, its experience and scale is far below Toyota's. In fact, Mitarai expects the staff members of Nippon Keidanren to fulfill that role. It is also unknown to what extent Canon's management method, which has been pointed out as a one-man show, can be applied in dealing with business circles, where coordination of views is essential. Leadership Former Chairman Okuda cited the challenge of curtailing corporate wrongdoings as the most important agenda item to be turned over to his successor. There is actually no end to the scandals with 11 companies, including nine Nippon Keidanren member companies, recently accused of engaging in bid-rigging in the construction of sewage-treatment plants. Nippon Keidanren this month toughened regulations, including one that would not allow companies that received a recommendation to leave the organization to become a member again for two years, and another that would not let companies expelled to reenroll for five years. However, there has never been a case of a membership being canceled or members being expelled. Former Chairman Okuda established a strong personal channel to Prime Minister Koizumi, but new Chairman Mitarai's connection with political circles is said to be weak. Canon makes no political contributions, because it is now subject to regulation under the Political Funding Regulation Law since the equity of foreign firms in the company tops 50%. Canon intends to resume political donations once an amendment to the law to ease the foreign capital restriction is passed. However, Mitarai has said, "I will keep my distance from politics to a certain extent." Another challenge he faces is how to display his political clout as the "prime minister" in business circles. Interview with Mitarai; will map out my vision early next year Prior to the plenary session of Nippon Keidanren, Chairman Mitarai gave an interview to the Yomiuri Shimbun and other dailies. The outline of the interview is as follows. TOKYO 00002913 003 OF 013 -- Could you tell us your aspirations? "My catchphrase is 'innovate Japan.' I would like to map out a Mitarai vision in early next year in order to show a comprehensive plan for the future of the Japanese economy." -- What is the showcase of your vision? "One is establishing a sustainable social security system. The tax system issue and promoting the signing of free trade agreements (FTA) with Asian countries could also become main elements. Government investment in science and technology should also be reinforced. The ratio of government investment is only about 10%, while that of Europe and the US is 20 to 30%." -- How are you going to constrain corporate scandals? "As companies go global, their ethics draws criticism of the international community. It is necessary to nurture corporate managers with high ethical values." -- How do you intend to establish relations with political circles? "I will strengthen channels wherever necessary. However, I would like to avoid bringing myself too close to them and finding myself unable to say what I want to say. I would like to keep myself at arm's length with political circles to maintain a feeling of tension to some extent." -- What is your view on the prime minister's visits to Yasukuni Shrine? "It is only natural for him as a Japanese to offer his condolences to all the victims of the war and make a no-war pledge. However, I would like political circles to settle the issue of who will be in charge of doing such things and in what form. Political circles should settle this issue, based on the wishes and thinking of all the people." -- What is your perception of the social divide and what measures do you intend to take to settle this issue in the future?'' 'Disparities stemming from ability, capability and efforts should be allowed, as long s a safety net for the socially weak is established and conditions for people to living with peace of mind in their old age are met." (2) Close-up 2006 column - Japan-China and Japan-ROK foreign ministerial talks: Strategic differences in diplomacy seen by China's flexibility, ROK's tough stance MAINICHI (Page 3) (Full) May 25, 2006 Seiji Nishioka, Beijing; Akiko Horiyama, Seoul China and South Korea are both adamant in their opposition to Prime Minister Koizumi's visits to Yasukuni Shrine, but Beijing is showing signs of wanting to improve ties with Japan, while Seoul continues its tough stance toward Japan. The meeting between Japanese and Chinese foreign ministers this time revealed TOKYO 00002913 004 OF 013 a difference in strategic terms between China and South Korea in their diplomacy toward Japan. Chinese Foreign Minister Li Zhaoxing highlighted his position of emphasizing exchanges with Japan in a broad range of areas, including economic and security affairs, even though he criticized the Japanese leader's visits to Yasukuni Shrine as he did before. In the past Li, taking every occasion, severely lashed out at the shrine visits. But during the meeting just concluded, he underscored this position: "When China-Japan relations are in good shape, both sides can enjoy the benefits, but if both sides quarrel, both will be injured. The rest of Asia as well as the world hope to see our relations improve." Li thus refrained from criticizing shrine visits bluntly, since the Koizumi administration will end its term in office in September. This shift in attitude apparently follows the line seen in President Hu Jintao's remarks to former Japanese Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto and other Japanese leaders when they visited China in March. Hu then sought to stop the shrine visits, but at the same time he said, "Developing bilateral ties will meet the interests of the two countries," making clear his stance of seeking to improve bilateral relations. China is concerned that if the current Japan-China relations described as being chilly on the political front but being hot on the economic front are left unattended, economic relations with Japan would sooner or later cool down. Meanwhile, South Korean Foreign Minister Ban Ki Moon criticized Japan yesterday, the day after the Japan-South Korea foreign ministerial talks, in an interview with a local TV station in Qatar. Referring to the Japan-South Korea dispute, Ban stressed that behind it is the history issue, arguing: "The Japanese leader has continued visiting Yasukuni Shrine despite objections." The interview was held apparently to listen to Ban's aspirations about his candidacy for the post of United Nations secretary general, and taking that occasion, Ban appealed on his country's assertions to the international audience. The South Korean government is likely to continue appealing on Japan's "injustice" to overseas mass media. Major statements on Yasukuni issue made during Japan-China and Japan-South Korea foreign ministerial meetings Foreign Minister Aso "Japan's position remains the same as we have reiterated in the past. I also will make a proper decision (about whether to visit the shrine based on my own principles and in consideration of my public status." Chinese Foreign Minister Li Zhaoxing "Visits by the Japanese leader to Yasukuni Shrine that enshrines Class-A war criminals hurt the sentiments of the Chinese people who were harmed terribly in the war. The visits have been a political obstacle." South Korean Foreign Minister Ban Ki Moon "I hope to see Japan adopt the wise course of not inflicting any more burdens on Japan- South Korea relations." (3) 2006 LDP presidential race (Part 2): Intensifying confrontation over Yasukuni Shrine issue; Emphasis on China policy TOKYO 00002913 005 OF 013 SANKEI (Page 5) (Abridged slightly) May 25, 2006 Chief Cabinet Secretary Shinzo Abe, 51, indicated yesterday that he would announce his candidacy for the upcoming Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) presidential election after the mid-July summit of the Group of Eight industrialized nations. Prior to Abe's remarks, Makoto Koga, 65, co-leader of the Niwa-Koga faction in the LDP, explained to Yamasaki faction members his own policy recommendation that Class-A war criminals be removed from Yasukuni Shrine. Koga also heads the Japan Association for the Bereaved Families of the War Dead. Taku Yamasaki, 69, former LDP vice president, bestowed the highest possible praise on Koga, saying, "Mr. Koga's proposal that the Class-A war criminals be withdrawn from the shrine is calling for a major response. I want to deepen debate on the matter." The two veteran politicians, however, have two different views of the Yasukuni issue. Koga believes that Yasukuni Shrine is the only war memorial in Japan and the prime minister should pay respects at the shrine, while Yamasaki serves as chairman of a nonpartisan parliamentary group to consider the creation of a national war memorial. Both are critical of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's China policy. Yamasaki was the first to assert that the Yasukuni issue would become a major campaign issue in the LDP presidential race. Their joint move means that they are trying to put the brakes to the moves of Abe, who supports Koizumi's visits to the Shinto shrine. "What does that policy proposal by the Japan Association of Corporate Executives (Doyukai) mean?" After a meeting on May 10 of the Council on Economic and Financial Policy, Abe asked Jiro Ushio, a council member and lifetime JACE member. Doyukai adopted by a majority vote on May 9 a proposal that Koizumi refrain from visiting Yasukuni Shrine. Although Ushio dismissed it in his response, Doyukai's proposal has backed the effort to make the Yasukuni issue into a campaign issue. Many LDP lawmakers are critical of Koizumi's Yasukuni visits. Lawmakers who are critical of Koizumi include such influential lawmakers as former Chief Cabinet Secretary Yasuo Fukuda, Koichi Kato, Takeshi Noda and Masahiko Komura, who have distanced themselves from Koizumi. Former Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori is one of those calling on Koizumi to be cautious in his actions. Hidenao Nakagawa, who has close ties with Abe, does not criticize Koizumi and Abe, but he personally favors removing the Class-A war criminals from Yasukuni Shrine. Meanwhile, about 130 junior and mid-level lawmakers support Koizumi's visits to Yasukuni Shrine. In March at the Japan National Press Club, Yamasaki called for a resumption of meetings of the top leaders of Japan and China: "China's military buildup is a significant issue for Japan and the United States. The top leaders should keep communications in order for full preparation for crisis management." Many of those critical of Koizumi's visits to the shrine think that it is not desirable for Japan to have a leader with views like Abe's. TOKYO 00002913 006 OF 013 "It is now a good time to set out a comprehensive policy," said Fukuda in a speech late last month. He stressed the need for a new doctrine that would be an update version of the "Fukuda Doctrine" introduced in the 1970s by the Prime Minster Takeo Fukuda, the father of Yasuo Fukuda. He has consciously refrained from expressing his desire for the party's presidency, but the fact that he attempted to show his foreign policy vision has highlighted his political identity as a rival candidate against Abe. Fukuda is a member of the parliamentary group studying the creation of a national memorial. He has built up hopes among pro- China lawmakers and the forces that have distanced themselves from Koizumi. With his high rating in the recent opinion polls, China policy has become the buzzword for a battle between Abe and Fukuda. Fukuda, who calls for improvement in Japan-China relations, commented on the Yasukuni issue: "If you explain to the one side (China) while giving consideration to the other side, negotiations will not go well." He has called for the need to build a memorial facility that would honor all war victims, not an alternative facility for Yasukuni Shrine. A sense of alarm has heightened among lawmakers supporting Abe that China might interfere in the presidential election because of the Yasukuni issue. Abe stressed at a press briefing yesterday, "We should not allow the other country to interfere in the election to pick Japan's prime minister." Foreign Minister Taro Aso, 65, said, "China may think that it has succeeded in breaking apart Japan's conservatives." Fukuda also repeatedly said, "Whether to visit the shrine or not is a domestic problem." Finance Minister Sadakazu Tanigaki, 61, stated, "An ambiguous strategy is needed for the Yasukuni argument." Possible post-Koizumi contenders are alert to the possibility that Yasukuni will become a major campaign issue and that will impact on Japan's China policy after Koizumi steps down. Taro Yayama, a political commentator, pointed out: "A country that will benefit most by splitting Japan's public opinion in two may interfere in the election. If such happened, it will be certain that the country would say that we picked Japan's prime minister." (4) Guam relocation masterplan to be out in July or August: Pentagon official RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 1) (Full) May 24, 2006 AGANA, Guam (Reuters-Kyodo)-US Deputy Under Secretary of Defense Lawless, now visiting Guam, noted yesterday that the planned redeployment of about 8,000 Marine Corps troops from Okinawa to Guam is an important portion of the US military's global transformation. The Pentagon is now making a basic plan to construct infrastructure (in Guam for the Marine relocation) and will present it to the Pacific Command (PACOM) in July or August. The plan, with PACOM's approval, will be presented to the US Congress, according to Lawless. TOKYO 00002913 007 OF 013 Lawless also remarked that Japan has agreed to transform the alliance with the United States. "Japan will fulfill heavier responsibilities under the alliance," Lawless added. With this, the Pentagon official stressed that Japan would undertake more roles in the security area. The US Marine Corps, in its Guam relocation, plans to move a total of about 17,000 personnel-broken down into about 8,000 troops and about 9,000 family dependents. Their moving will be completed by 2014. The Japanese and US governments have explained that those Marine troops would be moved from Okinawa to Guam all at once, not in stages, after all facilities have been completed. According to an official of the Defense Agency, the US government has informally explained a plan to start infrastructure construction in Guam around the latter half of 2007. The final report on the US military's realignment in Japan specifies a plan to relocate the command personnel of the 3rd Marine Expeditionary Force (III MEF) and move the headquarters of the 12th Marine Regiment from Camp Hansen. In addition, the final report also specifies some other Marine relocation plans, such as moving the headquarters of III MEF from Camp Courtney, relocating the 3rd Marine Logistics Group from the Makiminato Service Area, and relocating the headquarters of the 1st Marine Air Wing from Camp Zukeran (i.e., Camp Foster). However, the United States has yet to reveal their respective scales. The cost of Marine relocation to Guam is reportedly estimated at 10.27 billion dollars. Japan is to pay 6.09 billion dollars or 710 billion yen for facilities and utilities, including billets, power facilities, and waterworks. (5) US military housing constructed in Okinawa Prefecture for 2,936 households over past 27 years since 1979; Costs total 119.7 billion yen RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 1) (Full) May 24, 2006 TOKYO-The government has provided US forces in Okinawa Prefecture with housing for a total of 2,936 households, including those at Camp Zukeran (i.e., Camp Foster),over the past 27 years since the government started housing construction at its expense in 1979 for US military personnel and their family dependents, Defense Facilities Administration Agency Operation Department Director General Kenshu Nagaoka revealed yesterday. The total amount of housing construction costs has run up to 119.7 billion yen, according to Nagaoka. The per-household average unit cost of housing construction is approximately 30 million yen in the case of a low-rise house with two stories and approximately 31 million yen in the case of a high-rise apartment with nine stories. Nagaoka was replying to a question asked by Keiko Itokazu, an independent member of the House of Councillors, in a meeting of the Financial Affairs Committee. The average unit cost of housing construction for US forces excludes costs for foundation work and costs for fixtures and fittings. The per-household average size of US military housing is 145 square meters in the case of a low-rise house and 137 square meters in the case of a high-rise apartment-respectively with three bedrooms, Nagaoka explained. TOKYO 00002913 008 OF 013 In the meantime, the per-household average size of local housing in Okinawa Prefecture is 77.4 square meters as of 2003, according to statistics compiled by the Civil Engineering and Construction Department of Okinawa Prefecture. US military housing is nearly twice as large as local housing. The government has pumped a huge amount of tax money to the extent of about 120 billion yen from its "omoiyari yosan" (literally "sympathy budget" or host nation support). This fact is likely to become controversial again. Asked about planned housing integration at Camp Zukeran, DFAA Facilities Department Director General Atsushi Watanabe suggested the necessity of reviewing the housing integration plan for Camp Zukeran since the Japanese and US governments' recently finalized report on their talks over the realignment of US forces in Japan specifies their agreement to return that base in part. Watanabe added, "The decision on this matter will come after intergovernmental consultations between Japan and the United States over specific matters, such as the scale of base reversion and the relocation of US Marines from Okinawa to Guam." With this, Watanabe implied the likelihood of reviewing the Camp Zukeran housing integration plan. The government will make a cabinet decision on the US force realignment. Asked about when to do so, Defense Agency Defense Policy Bureau Director General Kazuo Ofuru explained that the government has been proceeding with necessary coordination and that he therefore could not say anything definite yet. "The government will continue making efforts so we can obtain understanding and cooperation from the local public entities concerned, and the government will go through necessary procedures," Ofuru stated. He added, "We've made coordination with Okinawa to a certain extent, but we're still coordinating specific plans, so I can't answer." (6) Editorial: in final phase of current Diet session, what should be tackled on priority basis? ASAHI (Page 3) (Slightly abridged) May 24, 2006 The Diet has only less than one month to end its current session. But the ruling coalition has yet to reach a conclusion on whether or not to extend the session. Among those calling for prolonging the session include former Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori and other lawmakers who are eager to have a bill amending the Fundamental Law of Education passed in the current session. Deliberations on the bill will start at the House of Representatives' Special Committee today. In order to enact the bill, about 40 extra days will be necessary. In addition to the education bill, the ruling camp also plans to submit this week a national referendum bill that governs procedures for revising the Constitution. Unless the session is extended for a lengthy period, it will be impossible to secure the passage of the bill. However, Prime Minister Koizumi said: "I have no intention of extending the session." His true feelings might be that if an administrative reform promotion bill and bills related to medical system reform are endorsed, that will be enough. TOKYO 00002913 009 OF 013 If that is the case, the current session should be adjourned as scheduled. The bill amending the Fundamental Law of Education and the referendum bill will affect the nation's fundamental policies, that is, education and the Constitution. It is not proper to present such key bills in a hasty manner and speak of their fates while intertwining them with an extension of the Diet session. Behind calls for an extension of the session is a desire in the Liberal Democratic Party to pass the education bill under the lead of the popular Prime Minister Koizumi. The New Komeito, which sees it necessary to offer cooperation toward the LDP on this issue, apparently is hoping to have the bill passed before the unified local elections and the Upper House election next year come closer. Regarding the education bill, 73% of respondents in an opinion poll by the Asahi Shimbun replied: "It is better to continue discussion," while only 12% said: "It is desirable to enact it in the current Diet session." The poll thus showed the dominant view is that more discussions are necessary. A successor to Prime Minister Koizumi should include the task of what to do with the education bill in his administration's strategy and grapple with it in earnest. The bill should not be hastily enacted in the final phase of the long-lasting Koizumi administration. There are other tasks the ruling and opposition parties should address in the current Diet session. In a joint statement issued when agreement was reached between Japan and the US on US force realignment plans, the government declared that the Japan-US alliance will "enter a new stage." Prime Minister Koizumi is expected to reconfirm this when meeting with President Bush during his visit to the US in late June. Will its contents not depart from the principles of the Japan-US Security Treaty? What about Japan's share of the cost for relocating US military bases? The government has hardly replied to these questions. In the Diet session, these issues should be intensively discussed more squarely. In the Asahi Shimbun poll, 84% said: "The government has not yet achieved its accountability." The Ozawa-led Minshuto (Democratic Party of Japan) has played up a confrontational stance, but the opposition party must conduct heated debate in the Diet. There are a host of themes to ask to the government, including a resumption of US beef imports and the quake-resistance data falsification scam. (7) Reading the times: Japan's peculiarity seen in Basic Education Law By Ronald Dore, professor emeritus, School of Economics and Political Science, University of London TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 3) (Full) May 21, 2006 I wonder whether countries other than Japan have a law that is TOKYO 00002913 010 OF 013 similar to the Basic Education Law. In Britain, there are roughly two reasons why education might become a major political issue: One is the issue that has been fought over for over a century of how far the state should be involved in the curriculum and management of schools established by the Orthodox Church of England, if public funds are provided to them as it does to public schools. The other issue is at which age grouping by ability should be started. From the viewpoints of equal opportunity in education and the social divide, the latter issue, a never-ending postwar debate, has been a headache for the government of Prime Minister Tony Blair, which has been trying to change the education system. In Britain, however, except for academic achievements on reading, writing and arithmetic, the educational curriculum, including how to teach history, has never become a political issue. Japan has two unique points: One is the existence of the Basic Education Law and the other is that specific points in the law have become contentious issues between political parties. Other countries see such a situation as intriguing. It is relatively easy to explain the former point: Japan's prewar education system was a means of mobilizing the nation's spirit to support war. The Basic Education Law, therefore, was significant in the sense that Japan declared that it would completely change its education system under its new constitution. The heated parliamentary debate now on the contents of the law is probably ascribable to Japan's defeat in World War II. It is a relic of the 40-year battle between Nikkyoso or the Japan Teachers' Union (JTU) and the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) over the historical meaning of the war. JTU was defeated in that war many years ago. In the 1990s, the law that instructed schools to fly the national flag and teachers and students to sing the national anthem was a symbol of the LDP's complete victory. There were cases school heads committing suicide in protest, but the number of such incidents were small. Many schools went along with the LDP's initiative. The enemies of those who have moved to the right and now promote a normalization of the education system are no longer academics who have a "masochistic view of history." They are libers who are against inserting the words "nurture patriotism" in the amended law, citing that such a concept would restrict freedom of thought. The LDP, which aims to create a modern image, has avoided the word "patriotism" in its bill. Instead of using that word, the party has defined as "loving the nation and homeland, while respecting other countries." The main opposition party Minshuto (Democratic Party of Japan), however, uses the definition as "nurturing an attitude which loves the nation and respects ancestors." It is funny that Minshuto is trying to clash with the LDP over a definition of nationalism. But that nationalism could be extremely narrow. For example, a book tiled "I accuse politicians and bureaucrats "Loving China but Oppressing Japan" was published this week. If the purpose of amending the Basic Education Law is to teach young generations to love the nation and homeland, respect other TOKYO 00002913 011 OF 013 countries, and contribute to international peace and development, the government should set good examples. For example, Japan should propose to its neighboring countries that territorial issues over the Senkaku Islands (Diaoyu Islands in Chinese), Takeshima (Dokdo in Korean),and Northern Territories be brought to the International Court of Justice. Japan like an adult should demonstrating that action is more effective than using rhetorical expressions, such as the ones in the bill to amend the Basic Education Law. (8) Difficulty in creating measures to reverse declining birthrate, with different plans presented by government panel, LDP, New Komeito YOMIURI (Page 3) (Slightly abridged) May 23, 2006 In an effort to apply the brakes to the sharply declining birthrate, the government and the ruling coalition have decided to come up with a set of new countermeasures by the end of this month. But the government's expert panel, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP),and the New Komeito have presented their own plans separately. It seems difficult to unify views into a single report. The issue of how to finance countermeasures has also been left untouched. Chief Cabinet Secretary Abe indicated the difficulty of hammering out effective measures to stop the decline in a press conference yesterday, saying: "It is hard to map out measures that are sure to stem the declining trend." Four plans are now up for discussion by the government's and ruling camp's consultative council on countermeasures for the falling birthrate, composed of relevant cabinet ministers and senior ruling party members. The four plans are those worked out by the government's expert panel, the project team of parliamentary secretaries, the LDP, and the New Komeito. The consultative council will work out measures based on these four plans and include them in the Basic Policy for Economic and Fiscal Management that will be adopted in a cabinet meeting in June. The council intends to translate the measures into action as early as fiscal 2007. The government's expert panel, headed by State Minister in Charge of Measures for the Declining Birthrate Kuniko Inoguchi, focused on households with children aged 10 or younger in working out its plan. This idea is based on the view that "assistance to low- income young couples is urgent," as said by a close aide to Inoguchi. One junior LDP member also supported this view, saying: "Financial measures are necessary for couples to be able to have a first baby while they are young." The government and ruling camp council are likely to expand the child-care subsidy system, a measure proposed by the government's expert panel, the LDP, and the New Komeito. But there are differences in their specific contents. The expert panel proposes that subsidies should be given to up to those in the six grade - the same standard as that in the current system, but the New Komeito calls for increasing the maximum eligible age to 18. How to secure fiscal resources is also a difficult issue. Inoguchi and others insist that spending on the elderly in the social welfare budget should be reduced and that more money TOKYO 00002913 012 OF 013 should be allocated to finance countermeasures to the declining birthrate. But some in the Ministry of Health, Labor, and Welfare (MHLW) and the LDP are calling for caution. MHLW Minister Kawasaki proposed squeezing out financial resources by reviewing the nation's three main employment insurance programs. But the proposal fizzled out as Prime Minister Koizumi expressed a negative view about it during a meeting on May 18 of the Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy. The expert panel and the New Komeito called for establishing a child-care insurance system to have the entire society finance child rearing. Less costly measures, such as a review of work styles, are also being worked out. Deliberations are also underway on measures to upgrade the child-care leave system, arrange a smooth back-to- work system, and to nurture supporters for child rearing. Eriko Yamatani, a Cabinet Office parliamentary secretary and a main member of the parliamentary secretaries' team, emphatically said: "Reviewing work styles is essential. Companies and the government should offer a helping hand for families." Serious battle in government's expert panel In the expert panel, a standoff is intensifying between State Minister in Charge of Measures for Declining Birthrate Minister Inoguchi and eight panel members over where emphasis should be placed. Some experts say that Inoguchi is getting too far out in front. Dissatisfaction at such an approach by Inoguchi might lie behind the row in the panel. The expert panel finalized its report on May 15. In the process, Inoguchi reiterated the need for economic aid, but many panel members insisted that priority should be given to measures to improve the environment to offer economic assistance, such as establishing a child-friendly system. To save panel members' face, the report listed the following measures in this order: (1) Diversified child-rearing assistance measures for local communities and families; (2) measures related to work styles; and (3) economic aid. But Inoguchi was calling for allowances for children aged 0-3. Inoguchi submitted a report titled "New Countermeasures to the Declining Birthrate" as in a meeting on May 18 of the Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy. The report included measures to create a subsidy for young children and to expand public subsidies for fertility treatment. These measures were excluded from the panel's report submitted on May 15. In reaction, seven of the eight panel members issued to the media a statement noting: "The report is greatly different in content from the one submitted on May 15." Panel member Yoji Anda, vice chairman of the Japan Federation of Service and Distributive Workers Unions, said: "The dominant view in the expert panel was that economic aid would be less effective without support for local communities or families and reviewing work styles. We judged it necessary to reveal that our thinking is different." In reaction, Inoguchi said: "The Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy is an area for discussion on budget allocations, so I presented economic aid measures," adding: "In public surveys or town meetings, many called for economic assistance. Panel members might have had a misunderstanding." TOKYO 00002913 013 OF 013 SCHIEFFER