DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 05/24/06

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 12 TOKYO 002873

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SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 05/24/06

INDEX:

(1) JCG-proposed six-nation drill to start later in month; First
training joined by Japan, China, South Korea, Russia, US and
Canada; Cooperation on the sea of sources of contention - Sea of
Japan and East China Sea

(2) Japanese, Chinese foreign ministers meet for first time in a
year, look for ways to avoid causing more strains in bilateral
relations, but gap left to be bridged

(3) Whether important bills on conspiracy, national referendum,
and education reform will clear Diet during current session
remains uncertain

(4) Mapping out measures to cut government expenditures bound to
encounter complications

(5) FTC, prosecutors to toughen crackdowns on bid-rigging
throughout nation, by fully imposing amended AML

(6) 2006 LDP presidential race (Part 1): One-on-one battle
between Fukuda and Abe expected

(7) Editorial: Full preparations necessary for SDF to withdraw
from Samawah safely

(8) Why the Foreign Ministry is all upset about Muneo Suzuki's
visit to the northern territories after five years

ARTICLES:

(1) JCG-proposed six-nation drill to start later in month; First
training joined by Japan, China, South Korea, Russia, US and
Canada; Cooperation on the sea of sources of contention - Sea of
Japan and East China Sea

TOKYO SHIMBUN (Top Play) (Almost full)
Evening, May 24, 2006

The Japan Coast Guard (JCG) and the maritime safety authorities
of China, South Korea, Russia, the US and Canada have agreed to
conduct drills before the end of this month aimed to prevent
weapons of mass destruction from being transported into the East
China Sea or the Sea of Japan. Bilateral drills for marine
salvage and as a measure against smuggling have already been
carried out with South Korea or Russia. However, this will be the
first multinational drill involving major North Pacific coastal
nations. Border-crossing cooperation will move into high gear in
this oceanic area where sources of contention are rife, including
over the Takeshima islets issue and the development of gas fields
in the East China Sea.

Among similar drills is the Proliferation Security Initiative
(PSI) against the use of weapons of mass destruction, which
President Bush has proposed, following the 9-11 terrorist attacks
on the US. However, since the PSI targets North Korea and some
other countries, China and South Korea are not taking part in it.

The JCG has proposed the joint drill with the aim of securing the
safety of maritime transportation route from the North Pacific to
the Indian Ocean. Coordination to materialize multinational
drills has been undertaken at the top-level meetings of the North

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Pacific maritime safety authorities, which has the six nations as
members. The JCG's diplomatic effort has apparently come to
fruition.

Major drills on the menu includes security drills to be carried
out from May 27 or 28 through June 1 in the oceanic area from
near Shanghai, China, to Vladivostok, Russia, and multi-purpose
drills for maritime salvage and fire extinguishing to be carried
out off Pusan, South Korea on June 7 and 8. Five countries,
excluding Canada, are expected to dispatch a total of about 20
patrol ships to the areas.

In a simulation of a security drill, China will reject a US coast
guard ship that is acting as a ship carrying weapons of mass
destruction entering a Shanghai port and then track the ship
fleeing in the direction of Russia. At the request of China,
South Korea, Japan and Russia will pursue the ship fleeing on
their exclusive economic zones (EEZ) in relays for five days. The
JCG will also raid and search the ship.

The JCG mapped out this scenario. It charted a flight route along
the median lines of the participating countries, taking into
consideration the fact that the EEZs claimed by them are
different. All participating countries agreed on the idea. Russia
made the chart to be used by the six countries. Only two colors
were used just to differentiate the sea from the land so that the
chart will cause no territorial problem.

(2) Japanese, Chinese foreign ministers meet for first time in a
year, look for ways to avoid causing more strains in bilateral
relations, but gap left to be bridged

MAINICHI (Top play) (Full)
Evening, May 24, 2006

Takuji Nakata, Doha

Foreign Minister Taro Aso, now visiting Qatar, met with Chinese
Foreign Minister Li Zhaoxing at a hotel in Doha City late
yesterday (early hours of today, Japan time). In the meeting, Li
reiterated criticism of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's visits
to Yasukuni Shrine, describing them as "a political obstacle,"
and warned that a successor prime minister should not visit the
shrine. On the other hand, the two foreign ministers agreed on
the need for promoting cooperation and exchanges in such areas as
the economy, culture, and security. By continuing and enhancing
bilateral dialogues other than the one at the top level until
Koizumi steps down this fall, the two countries now appear to
have been able to stem bilateral relations from suffering any
further strains.

The Japan-China foreign ministerial meeting took place for the
first time in about one year and was the first one for Aso to
attend since assuming the post of foreign minister.

Speaking of the so-called Yasukuni issue, Li criticized: "The
fact that the Japanese leader pays homage at Yasukuni Shrine that
enshrines Class-A war criminals along with other war dead hurts
the sentiments of the Chinese people."

Aso told Li about Japan's position: "Visiting the shrine is to
pay respect and offer gratitude to the war dead." As to whether
he would visit the shrine, Aso said: "I'll make a proper decision

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based on my principles and in consideration of my official
capacity."

On gas field development in the East China Sea, both foreign
ministers confirmed that they would give a boost to senior
working level talks. They also agreed that the two countries
would discuss the introduction of a system of consultation and
notification between relevant government agencies of the two
countries, for instance, the Japan Coast Guard and the Chinese
Navy. The purpose is to avoid unforeseen incidents at sea.

Aso stated, "We welcome a peaceful rise in China," but at the
same time he expressed concerns about China's military buildup:
"China needs to make its national defense policy transparent and
to work for confidence building with Japan." Li emphasized: "As
evidenced by the Great Wall of China, the purpose is for
defense." The two foreign ministers agreed on a plan to resume
security dialogues between the two countries - which have been
interrupted since February 2004 - by the end of the year.

They also agreed to work together to bring about an early
resumption of the six-party talks on North Korea's nuclear issue.
Aso sought cooperation from China to deal with the abduction
issue, and in answering Aso's request, Li said, "We understand
the importance of the issue."

After the meeting, Aso told the press: "We exchanged views
frankly and effectively. I've felt that the meeting this time has
now paved the path for Japan-China relations to move toward
improvement."

Chief Cabinet Secretary Abe: "Extremely meaningful"

During a press conference this morning, Chief Cabinet Secretary
Shinzo Abe referred to the Japan-China foreign ministerial
meeting held for the first time in one year and gave high marks
to it: "It's extremely important to have talks with China at the
foreign ministerial level. Such a meeting is extremely meaningful
so as to frankly exchange views on issues lying between the two
countries." When asked about the Chinese side's renewing its
criticism of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's visits to
Yasukuni Shrine, Abe stressed: "In order to build a mature
relationship, it is necessary for both of us to recognize and
respect the other side's thinking and the differences. We must
not close the door of dialogue."

(3) Whether important bills on conspiracy, national referendum,
and education reform will clear Diet during current session
remains uncertain

NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Full)
May 24, 2006

With less than one month left in the current Diet session that
runs until June 18, the schedule of deliberations on important
bills has become even tighter. The ruling coalition intends to
give priority to deliberations on an administrative reform
promotion bill, aiming at enacting it into law on May 26. It has
postponed to next week or later a vote in the House of
Representatives Committee on Judicial Affairs on a bill to amend
the organized crime law that would make "conspiracy" a crime.
Since no prospect is in sight for consultations with the
opposition parties to modify the bill, whether the bill will

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clear the Diet during the current session is uncertain. It also
will be difficult to pass a bill amending the Basic Education Law
without extending the Diet session. The ruling camp is likely to
be forced to walk a precarious tightrope in the weeks ahead.

In a press conference yesterday, Chief Cabinet Secretary Shinzo
Abe expressed his hope for an early vote on the bill to revise
the organized crime law, saying, "Should the contents of the bill
become well-known to the public, the mood for taking a vote will
naturally heighten."

Unable to read the prime minister's mind

With Lower House Speaker Yohei Kono's arbitration on May 19, the
ruling and opposition camps agreed to continue deliberations, but
Yukio Hatoyama, secretary general of the largest opposition
party, Minshuto (Democratic Party of Japan) asserted, "The ruling
coalition should accept our bill with no changes." Koya Nishikawa
of the LDP said, "We cannot make any more concessions."

A senior LDP Diet Affairs Committee member stated positively,
"The bill will never clear the Diet without extending the
session." If the Upper House requires as much time for
deliberations as did the Lower House, it will be impossible to
pass the bill before the end of the current session. The
situation is that the ruling camp has yet to decide when to take
a vote on the bill since it cannot read the real intentions of
Prime Minister Koizumi, who has repeatedly made remarks that he
is reluctant to extend the session. Some LDP members are becoming
increasingly dissatisfied with Koizumi's response.

Deepening confrontation between LDP and Minshuto

Heightening confrontation between the LDP and Minshuto is
affecting deliberations on a medical reform bill and other bills.
The Upper House Committee on Health, Labor and Welfare launched
deliberations yesterday, but Minshuto refused to attend the
session. The members from the ruling parties and the Japanese
Communist Party conducted deliberations. The ruling camp intends
to continue deliberations without Minshuto lawmakers in an
attempt to get the bill through the Diet before the end of the
current session.

The Lower House Special Committee will start on the 24th
deliberations on the bill revising the Basic Education Law with
attendance of Koizumi. Minshuto submitted its own bill to the
Lower House yesterday. The committee will conduct deliberations
on both bills. Minshuto incorporates more conservative words than
those of the government and ruling camp in its bill, aiming at
rocking the LDP. The opposition party also intends to prevent the
government-sponsored bill from clearing the Diet, calling for
conducting deliberations thoroughly.

Many ruling camp members call for extension of the current Diet
session

Asked by reporters about the government's bill yesterday, Koizumi
responded, "If the deliberations are conducted thoroughly, the
bill will pass through the Diet before the end of the current
session." The dominant view in the ruling camp is that in order
to pass the bill the session should be extended until the end of
July. Negotiations broke down between the ruling camp and
Minshuto on the joint submission of a bill on referendum for

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amending the Constitution. The ruling LDP and its coalition
partner, New Komeito intend to submit a bill to the current Diet
session on their won as early as May 26. Minshuto also plans to
present its own bill to the Diet. The prospects for the bills
remain uncertain.

(4) Mapping out measures to cut government expenditures bound to
encounter complications

MAINICHI (Page 3) (Full)
May 23, 2006

Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) Policy Research Council Chairman
Nakagawa, who also serves as the chairman of the LDP's Spending
Reform Project Team, presented in a speech on May 22 specific
plans to cut civil servant employment costs, including a
substantial cut in retirement benefits paid to local
administrative chiefs and the abolition of subsidies paid from
public funds to the mutual aid association for local public
servants. Since public servants employment costs can be cut
without cost to the Japanese people, as State Minister for
Financial, Economic and Fiscal Policy Yosano put it, the more
they are cut, the more people will appreciate it. Some are
beginning to take the view that the settlement line for the
package reform of expenditures and revenues is to have taxpayers
tolerate a lenient cut in social security expenses in return for
slashing public servants' salaries.

The Project Team has looked into ways to cut expenditures in five
areas, including social security, public works, public servants
and personnel costs since April. In particular, the panel has
almost annually reformed the medical services and pension
systems. Even so, spending in the two areas account for
approximately 40% of general spending (20.5 trillion yen in
fiscal 2006). Such spending is bound to continue to expand. In
order to obtain understanding of the public for a hike in the
consumption tax, the government has no other choice but to cut
voluminous social security expenses. However, since a medical
services reform bill is now under deliberation, it is difficult
to discuss a cut in social security expenses, which will lead to
a further increase in the burden shared by the public. Such being
the circumstance, which items should be made subject to cuts have
yet to be set.

The Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy (CEFP) has approved of
a policy of constraining public works expenditures to an amount
3% below the preceding year's level over the next five years.
However, the prevailing view in the LDP is that it is not
possible to support a uniform cut. If the margin of a cut in
social security expenditures is small, objections will likely
come with people resenting the prospect that public works alone
will become the victim of cost-cutting.

Though the LDP is determined to use a cut in public servants'
salaries as an escape, the package reform of expenditures and
revenues could disintegrate, if it fails to drastically cut
social security expenses.

(5) FTC, prosecutors to toughen crackdowns on bid-rigging
throughout nation, by fully imposing amended AML

NIHON KEIZAI (Page 3) (Slightly abridged)
May 24, 2006

TOKYO 00002873 006 OF 012



The Osaka District Public Prosecutors Office Special
Investigation Unit yesterday arrested seven company employees,
including department heads, on suspicion of rigging bids on the
construction of sewage-treatment plants. The incident has once
again brought into the open the reality of a situation in which
leading companies are rigging bids over large public works. Since
the steel bridge bid-rigging case, in which the Fair Trade
Commission (FTC) filed an accusation last May, the FTC and public
prosecutors have strengthened efforts to crack down on bid
rigging. They are determined to root out the practice throughout
the country by fully applying the revised Anti-Monopoly Law,
which grants the FTC the authority to investigate AML violations.

The bridge construction bid-rigging case, which is reportedly the
biggest bid-rigging case in history, revealed that sales
personnel of Japan's leading companies, including Mitsubishi
Heavy Industries and Ishikawajima-Harima Heavy Industries, were
involved in bureaucrat-led bid rigging in conspiracy with senior
officials of the former Japan Highway Public Corporation, the
sponsor of the projects. The number of manufacturers indicted on
charges of violating the AML reached 26.

Of the 11 companies charged with bid rigging over the
construction of sewage-treatment plants, five are on trial for
engaging in bid rigging for the construction of steel bridges.
Some of these companies had also come under scrutiny on suspicion
of engaging in bid rigging over the construction of water gates
and tunnel ventilation equipment. The FTC conducted on-the-spot
inspections of these bid-rigging cases. The FTC and public
prosecutors have made clear their determination to urge companies
to observe regulations more strictly, as a senior public
prosecutor of the Supreme Public Prosecutors' Office put it.

In bid-rigging cases concerning projects sponsored by the New
Tokyo International Airport Authority (now Narita International
Airport) and the Defense Facilities Administration Agency, the
FTC and public prosecutors brought employees in charge at heavy
electric machinery and air conditioner makers and general
contractors in a summary indictment on charges of conducting
collusive tendering. The case has revealed that bid rigging is
rampant in every sector.

The FTC and public prosecutors will toughen their efforts to
crack down on bid rigging, based on the revised AML, which went
into effect this January. The revised law grants the FTC
investigative authority, which enables it to search companies
involved in rigged bidding and seize evidence. A system of
reducing administrative surcharges imposed on companies that
cooperate with the FTC by voluntarily reporting unfair trade
practices has also been introduced. Before the law was revised,
only the Tokyo High Public Prosecutors Office was authorized to
indict AML offenders, but now any district public prosecutors
office can do so.

Bid rigging over the construction of sewage-treatment plants is
the first case in which the FTC has exercised its authority to
investigate AML violations. The Osaka District Public Prosecutors
Office will be in charge of investigation. The case reportedly
involved monetary compensation to contain oppositions to the
construction of such facilities. On May 17, the special
investigation unit arrested one broker, who acted as a mediator,
on suspicion of blackmail. This broker (72),an executive of a

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consulting company, allegedly extorted approximately 16 million
yen from companies that were involved in the bid rigging. He was
active mainly in western Japan. He reportedly has influence on
both manufacturers and local governments. The Special
Investigation Unit is keen to discern the flow of funds from the
involved companies. It is expected to pursue this executive as
well as the arrested seven employees.

(6) 2006 LDP presidential race (Part 1): One-on-one battle
between Fukuda and Abe expected

SANKEI (Page 4) (Abridged slightly)
May 24, 2006

Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, 64, has rejected the idea of
making factional coordination for the Liberal Democratic Party's
presidential election, which is only four months away. Former
Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori, 68, who heads the largest faction in
the LDP with two potential successors to Koizumi -- Chief Cabinet
Secretary Shinzo Abe, 51, and former Chief Cabinet Secretary

SIPDIS
Yasuo Fukuda, 69 -- has also revealed his intention to give up
fielding a single candidate. Although there is an observation
that candidates have effectively been narrowed down to Abe and
Fukuda, Foreign Minister Taro Aso, 65, and Finance Minister
Sadakazu Tanigaki, 61, are determined to turn the tables. This is
the first installment in a series of reports on the LDP
presidential race in motion.

Abe called on Mori at his office near the Diet building on the
afternoon of May 17. Mori moaned to Abe about loud support for
Abe by Ichita Yamamoto, 48, a junior member of the Mori faction.

Mori's true intention was to determine Abe's preparedness to run
in the race. Abe gave an evasive answer to Mori's question. Abe
is also believed to have explained his position that not running
in the race would disappoint the expectations of his supporters.

Mori still holds a faint hope for fielding a single candidate.
Abe and Fukuda are often compared in terms of Asia policy and a
generational change. Despite Mori's hope for a compromise between
the two, speculation is growing that Abe and Fukuda will face off
in the LDP poll.

When Mori met on May 22 with former Singaporean Prime Minister
Lee Kuan Yew, who was also scheduled to hold talks with Abe and
Fukuda, Mori asked for Lee's ratings on the two.

After the Golden Week holiday period, Fukuda made a weeklong
visit to the United States where he was able to hold talks with
some 50 prominent figures, including Vice President Dick Cheney -
- red-carpet treatment to someone not holding any key government
or party post. The visit proved fruitful for Fukuda, who aimed at
exchanging views on America's Asia strategy and other matters.
People connected with the US Congress wanted to know if Fukuda
would run for the LDP presidency.

But Fukuda always told them: "I didn't say anything about seeking
the presidency. The media made that up."

A Mori faction member supportive of Fukuda took this view: "Mr.
Fukuda's US trip was a success. The White House has high regards
for him, and that's why he was able to accomplish more than just
seeing US congressional members."

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Washington's red-carpet treatment is not completely unconnected
with Fukuda's growing popularity. In the latest opinion survey
conducted by Fuji-TV's "Hodo 2001," the support rate for Abe
marked 36.2% and that for Fukuda 29.2%, with the difference
shrinking by 28 points to 7 points from January.

The trend is ascribable to the emergence of a mood putting higher
priority to experience than to youthfulness with the appearance
of Minshuto (Democratic Party of Japan) President Ichiro Ozawa,
64, and Fukuda's diplomatic stance attaching importance to China.
A growing likelihood for Fukuda's one-on-one battle with Abe
following Mori's announcement to give up a single candidate is
another reason.

Fukuda does not seem eager to run in the race, at least on the
surface. His father, former Prime Minister Takeo Fukuda, launched
the Mori faction (or Seiwa Seisaku Kenkyukai). Fukuda wants to
ride the crest of growing calls for his candidacy rather than to
come forward independently and split up the faction. Such
scenario is being mentioned in the LDP.

Before leaving for the United States, Fukuda and his wife visited
the home in Tokyo of the late Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi to
offer incense sticks ahead of the seventh anniversary of his
death. The Obuchi family sensed Fukuda's eagerness for the LDP's
top job.

Abe calmly attributed Fukuda's growing popularity to his track
records, including his service as chief cabinet secretary in the
Koizumi administration. But a junior member close to Abe thinks
he is alarmed by Fukuda's popularity.

Fukuda served as chief cabinet secretary and Abe as his deputy
for three years from the closing days of the Mori administration
to the beginning of the Koizumi administration. Reportedly
discord grew stronger between the two during that period.

Fukuda and Abe again locked horns fiercely over whether Koizumi
should visit Pyongyang to collect family members of repatriated
abductees following his first surprise visit to North Korea in

2002. Since Fukuda became the Mori faction's representative
secretary general in the fall of 2004, Abe has rarely attended

SIPDIS
the faction's general meetings.

Being the Koizumi cabinet's spokesman, it has been difficult for
Abe to comment on the LDP poll. But he has begun mentioning
correcting the social disparity and relations with China
apparently with the LDP presidency in mind. A Mori faction member
supporting Abe noted: "Only a few faction members, including Mr.
Seishiro Eto, 65, have made it clear that they would throw
support behind Mr. Fukuda. I think that of the 87 members, 80%
are supporting Mr. Abe and 20% Mr. Fukuda."

Views of members of other factions are mixed. Mid-level and
veteran members pinning hopes on Fukuda and who are also eager to
become winners in the next administration are carefully
monitoring the trend without expressing their support for Fukuda
outright.

Rumor has it that a fifth person will join the race along with
Abe, Fukuda, Aso, and Tanigaki. Aso and former Secretary General
Koichi Kato, 66, also pointed to the possibility of another

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candidate.

Such persons as former Vice President Taku Yamasaki, 69, State
Minister in Charge of Economic and Fiscal Policy Kaoru Yosano,
67, and Economy, Trade and Industry Minister Toshihiro Nikai, 67,
are being mentioned as possible candidates.

An LDP executive predicted: "A large number of candidates would
reduce Abe's chances for winning a majority, resulting in a
runoff." A veteran Fukuda supporter took this view: "If a runoff
occurred between the top two contenders, many would vote for
Fukuda to score a come-from-behind victory."

It has been a half-century since Abe's grandfather, Nobusuke
Kishi, won most but failed to win a majority in the first voting
and was eventually defeated by his runner-up, Tanzan Ishibashi,
who joined hands in the second ballot with the person who came in
third in the first voting in the election in 1956. Will Abe be
able to achieve a victory in the first ballot?

(7) Editorial: Full preparations necessary for SDF to withdraw
from Samawah safely

MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full)
May 24, 2006

Following the inauguration of the formal Iraqi government, the
focus of attention has now shifted to when and how coalition
forces will withdraw from Iraq after security responsibilities
are handed over to the Iraqi government.

Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki met with visiting British Prime
Minister Blair and said that the security responsibility in
Samawah, in which Ground Self-Defense Force (GSDF) troops have
been stationed, would be transferred from the British and
Australian militaries to Iraqi security forces in June, at the
earliest.

If matters move smoothly, as envisioned by Iraq's prime minister,
Japan will be able to pull GSDF troops out of Iraq possibly in
July, together with British and Australian troops.

About 500 troops in 10th SDF rotation are about to enter Samawah.
Should the government formally decide to withdraw troops in the
near future, they will be the last troops stationed in Samawah.

In its basic plan for SDF dispatch to Iraq - adopted at a cabinet
meeting last December, the government set these conditions for
withdrawing SDF troops: (1) progress in the political process,
such as holding of national assembly elections and establishing a
full-scale government; (2) the local security situation; and (3)
the state of activities by coalition forces, including British
and Australian troops, and changes in the composition of the
forces.

The new Iraqi government was finally launched nearly six months
later than scheduled, and the new prime minister referred to
handing over security responsibilities in Samawah to Iraqi
security forces. This means that GSDF troops in Samawah will soon
start a process leading to their withdrawal.

Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, however, has yet to specify
when Japan will bring its troops back to Japan, only saying: "We

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will make a judgment from a comprehensive viewpoint." Chief
Cabinet Secretary Shinzo Abe has also cautiously taken the
remarks by the new Iraqi prime minister, commenting: "No one can
predict what would happen in the future."

The government is nervous about SDF withdrawal, because risk may
be involved, for instance, an attack by armed insurgents. Dutch
troops were attacked on their way from Samawah.

Samawah is one of the most stable areas in Iraq, but in many
other areas in Iraq, attacks by terrorists or insurgents have
often taken place. There was a case in which a shell was fired at
the SDF camp. They must stay alert.

GSDF troops employ many local citizens for work to repair roads
and public facilities. There is a project that involves employing
1,000 local residents a day. Local residents will be unable to
get jobs should SDF troops be pulled out. It therefore is
necessary for Japan to work out some measures so that local
residents will not be left dissatisfied and disgusted.

Japan also must let local residents know that itwill continue to
make utmost efforts to reconstruct their nation by constructing
thermal power plants and other projects under its official
development assistance (ODA) program even after pulling out SDF
troops.

Japan plans to have SDF troops leave Iraq in conjunction with the
withdrawal of British and Australian troops because the Japanese
troops have been under their protection. The Japanese military
should make full arrangements with the British and Australian
militaries.

The government has decided to continue offering airlift services
by the Air Self-Defense Force even after GSDF troops return home.
Such airlift services will naturally be carried out under the
context of humanitarian and rehabilitation assistance based on
the Iraq Humanitarian Reconstruction Support Special Measures
Law.

Two years and three months have already passed since the GSDF
launched humanitarian and reconstruction assistance in Samawah.
During this period, it was lucky that no incident has befallen
the Japanese troops.

In order to pull the GSDF out of Iraq safely, Japan must prepare
a perfect crisis-management system.

(8) Why the Foreign Ministry is all upset about Muneo Suzuki's
visit to the northern territories after five years

SHUKAN POSUTO (Weekly Post) (Pages 172-173) (Abridged)
June 2, 2006

Lawmaker Muneo Suzuki visited Japan's northern territories (now
controlled by Russia) for the first time in five years for four
days starting on May 19. He joined a group of visitors to the
islands participating in a no-visa exchange that just started
this fiscal year (April 1). The Foreign Ministry was greatly
upset to find out about his trip. A staffer at that ministry
explains why:

"The no-visa exchange visitors will be accompanied by somebody

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from the Foreign Ministry. When we found out that Mr. Suzuki
would be in the group, all of the Russia Division staff
responsible for the exchange said they did not want to go on the
trip. They expected Mr. Suzuki would bombard them during the tour
with questions, and that afterward, he would report their every
move to their boss. He would add a big load to their work.
Moreover, if they responded poorly to his demands, it would lead
to more criticism of the Foreign Ministry."

The reason why ministry officials are so nervous is because
Suzuki has continuously been pursuing the Foreign Ministry in the
Diet. After he was restored to political life in the last
election, Muneo has already sent 183 sets of questions to the
Ministry for it to answer in the Diet. Among them was an inquiry
about suspicions of secret funds being held by the Japanese
Embassy in Moscow during the former Soviet Union period. He
pursued that issue last November in the Diet, but the official
that he had named, Russia Division Director Kuninori Matsuda did
not show up.

The same Foreign Ministry source said:

"At that time, Director Matsuda was criticized for ducking his
responsibility, but this time, most of the Russia Division staff
were backbiting him, saying that it would be better if the
division director accompany Suzuki since there were still sore
feelings left from that incident. There have been some who
ridiculed Director Matsuda, saying that since he had been exposed
by Suzuki for acting childish at a posh Japanese restaurant, he
now had the chance to complain directly to him."

Muneo Suzuki was arrested on the charge of bribery and corruption
in 2002, but what set off the scandal was the issue of a (foreign
aid-funded) friendship house built on the northern island of
Kunashiri. At the time, a Japanese Communist Party lawmaker noted
that the place was called the "Muneo House," and this sparked
suspicions about Suzuki. A reporter attached to the Foreign
Ministry noted:

"In the end, Director Matsuda again ducked responsibility and
sent an underling to accompany the group. Although the staffers
of the Russia Division so far have been avoiding Suzuki, even
absenting themselves from a reception held by the Russian
ambassador, they cannot escape him now due to the no-visa
exchange trip."

In addition, what also has the Foreign Ministry bustling about
has been the Cabinet Office's action. A source in the Foreign
Ministry had these misgivings:

"It was the Cabinet Office that gave permission to Suzuki at the
last minute to join the no-visa exchange group. In dealing with
the northern territories issue, the Foreign Ministry has handled
the diplomatic negotiations, and the Cabinet Office has been in
charge of the northern island reversion movement in Japan, which
includes handling the petitions of former islanders. But since
the negotiations to return the islands have been stagnant, the
Cabinet Office is said to be annoyed at the Foreign Ministry. If
Suzuki visits the islands, his row with the Foreign Ministry will
become self-evident. The Cabinet Office's aim seems to have been
to further stir up the quarrel between the Ministry and Suzuki,
and thereby grab for itself the lead on northern territorial
affairs."

TOKYO 00002873 012 OF 012



SCHIEFFER