DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 03/16/06

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 06 TOKYO 001404 SIPDIS SIPDIS DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 03/16/06 INDEX: (1) US Ambassador to Japan Schieffer visits scene of abduction of Megumi Yokota (2) 2006 LDP presidential election - post-Koizumi candidates: Foreign Minister Taro Aso, 65, looking for opportunity to move away from prime minister (3) Potential Koizumi successor (Part 3) - Finance Minister Sadakazu Tanigaki (61): Key lies in how to overcome low name recognition (4) Gov't to make cabinet decision on coastal plan; Nago stiffens attitude; "Gov't must not be allowed to do so at its discretion" (5) Editorial: We condemn those government officials involved in bid-rigging for DFAA-sponsored projects ARTICLES: (1) US Ambassador to Japan Schieffer visits scene of abduction of Megumi Yokota YOMIURI ONLINE March 16, 2006, 11:08 a.m. US Ambassador Schieffer (Center), Mr. and Mrs. Yokota US Ambassador to Japan Thomas Schieffer today arrived at Niigata City and visited the city's Yorii Municipal Junior High School. From there, Schieffer went to the scene at Yoriihama where Megumi Yokota was abducted. The Ambassador is the first US government official to visit this scene. When the family members of the abductees met with Ambassador Schieffer last May, they asked him to inspect the scene, telling him: "We'd like you to deepen your understanding about the abduction issue." Guided by Shigeru Yokota and his wife, Sakie, Schieffer inspected the area where Megumi Yokota was thought to be walking before she her abduction. He heard the story of the abduction at a spot where Megumi was supposed to have parted from her friend and at another where she was thought to have been abducted. The abductees' families are scheduled to travel to the United States in late April. They will testify at a US Congressional hearing as an effort to seek US support to resolve the issue. (2) 2006 LDP presidential election - post-Koizumi candidates: Foreign Minister Taro Aso, 65, looking for opportunity to move away from prime minister NIHON KEIZAI (Page 5) (Almost full) March 15, 2006 By Takuji Nakata Foreign Minister Taro Aso stated before reporters at the Japan National Press Club on March 8: "In principle, those who are TOKYO 00001404 002 OF 006 enshrined at Yasukuni Shrine are those who died in wars. But people who died for other reasons were enshrined together. This is a big problem." Later, his remarks aroused controversy. Aso advocated separate enshrinement, some media reported, but an aide to Aso dismissed that, saying: "It's not that he called for separate enshrinement. He just brought up the question of what status should be given to those who died amid legal proceedings (homushi) (those who were executed or died in prison during the Tokyo Trial)." Aso's real intention remains opaque, because he has offered no subsequent explanation about his controversial remarks. Aso belongs to the LDP's Kono faction - a small faction led by Lower House President Yohei Kono with a membership of 11, excluding Kono. A short avenue to power, Aso thought, would have been to support Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi and by doing so bring about a "peaceful transfer of power" to himself. But this scenario has failed to materialize. While Koizumi's leadership is beginning to diminish, Chief Cabinet Secretary SHINZO Abe, another conservative post-Koizumi candidate, continues to enjoy high popularity. Aso could sink into oblivion. An aide to Aso is therefore making desperate efforts to reshape his previous strategy, saying: "Even a contrarian policy is worth considering. We need to demonstrate his identity." On Feb. 19, Aso gave a strong hint that he would not visit Yasukuni Shrine if he became prime minister, noting: "National interests come before personal interests." A junior female lawmaker from the Kono faction suggested to Aso that he should refuse to sign the bill intended to revise the Imperial House Law to allow women and their descendants to ascend to the Chrysanthemum throne and thereby resign from his post and declare his candidacy for the LDP presidential race, a strategy dubbed the "March 10 rebellion." But this idea was never realized, as the bill to revise that law was not submitted. Aso continues to look for an opportunity to move away from Koizumi. At the same time, Aso's repeated gaffes, such as when he said "It would be best for the Emperor to visit Yasukuni Shrine" and when he described Taiwan as a "country," have perplexed even his supporters in the Kono faction, one of whom remarked: "Because he tries to say clever things to impress people, he tends to commit gaffes." During the faction's New Year party held at a Japanese restaurant in Tokyo late January, Kono advised Aso, "You should refrain from needlessly irritating China and South Korea." In addition to China and South Korea, even the US Department of State has concluded that it cannot expect much from Mr. Aso and has turned somewhat cool to Japan, according to a senior LDP member. As he has failed to score on diplomacy, Aso is absorbed in highlighting his political clout in the ministry. In the reform of official development assistance (ODA),Aso succeeded in securing his ministry's leadership over ODA, winning support from the LDP and countering the Ministry of Finance. In the budget compilation at the end of last year, Aso in cabinet-level negotiations succeeded in putting an end to reducing the ministry's staff and brought about an increase of 19 instead. He also prevented a further decline in service allowances for ministry officials abroad. TOKYO 00001404 003 OF 006 Aso has expressed his desire to run in the LDP presidential race, assuming that he is able to secure the endorsement of 20 lawmakers. He also is considering releasing a set of policy measures at the faction's meeting scheduled for June, but the question is how many endorsements he will actually receive. There is a deep objection (in the Kono faction) to deepening ties with the Tsushima faction that relies on General Council Chairman Fumio Kyuma. Other faction members are still taking a wait-and- see attitude. Worse still, of the 20 endorsements that Aso had in the 2001 presidential race, five have already retired from the political world or have lost their Diet seats, and three have left the LDP. There is little chance Aso will be able to collect the required number of endorsements. On March 4, Aso visited Nomi City, Ishikawa Prefecture, and encouraged former Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori's first son, Yuki, who is expected to run in a by-election for a prefectural assembly seat. Impressed with Aso's efforts, a House of Representatives member close to him said: "Aso could take the mound as a reliever if the Mori faction were on the verge of splitting (between support for ABE or for former CCS Fukuda). He is doing well in this sense." (3) Potential Koizumi successor (Part 3) - Finance Minister Sadakazu Tanigaki (61): Key lies in how to overcome low name recognition MAINICHI (Page 3) (Excerpts) March 16, 2006 In a speech at a party held by the Liberal Democratic Party Tochigi Prefectural Chapter in Utsunomiya City on March 4, Finance Minister Sadakazu Tanigaki said: "We have an obligation to show to the people that reform may bring them some pain but it is not intended to return to law of the jungle rules. The state and the people are bound by rigid ties of trust." There are smoldering concerns even among ruling party members about the widening wealth gap in the society caused as a negative by-product of the Koizumi reforms. In a speech on financial policy before a joint session of both houses on Jan. 20, Tanigaki advocated a plan to "create a society in which individuals support each other based on ties with their families and local communities." Since last month, the Tanigaki faction has addressed the task of putting policy recommendations into a report, mainly focusing mainly on measures to correct the income gap. The Tanigaki faction has been also stepping up efforts to meld together with two other factions that also descended from the former Miyazawa faction (Kochikai): the Niwa/Koga and the Kono factions. In 1998, House of Representatives Speaker Yohei Kono left the faction as a result of internal strife over the selection of a successor chairman. In 2000, former Secretary General Koichi Kato seceded from it, and later more members followed him. The faction has 15 members now, less than the 20 that is the minimum number of recommenders needed to enable a lawmaker to run in the party presidential race. Like-minded members from the three factions held a study meeting on Asia strategy on March 15. In a speech, Kono stressed the TOKYO 00001404 004 OF 006 traditional significance of the Kochikai. He said: "Hayato Ikeda, Masayoshi Ohira, Zenko Suzuki, and former Prime Minister Kiichi Miyazawa all came from Kochikai. Under Prime Minister Miyazawa, I served as chief cabinet secretary, and I was greatly affected by him." The idea of unifying the three factions to form a grand Koichikai has been floated many times but it fizzled out in the end, mainly because there was no organizer. In the speech in Utsunomiya, Tanigaki also reiterated his determination to address the task of reconstructing the Ashikaga Bank, which was once placed under state control. He said: " We must revitalize the bank and make it a bank that is independent and helpful to the residents of the prefecture." Aides to Tanigaki had advised him to refer to the issue of Ashikaga bank, reflecting strong interest in the issue among local citizens. The Ashikaga remark, which Tanigaki made after holding consultation with State Minister in charge of Financial Policy Kaoru Yosano, got front-page coverage as he had aimed. The Tanigaki faction is earnestly making a pitch for Tanigaki, stemming from a growing sense of alarm toward low support rates for him as a successor to Prime Minister Koizumi. In a Mainichi Shimbun survey in January, only 2% favored Tanigaki as Koizumi's successor. Chief Cabinet Secretary SHINZO ABE was favored by 38% , followed by former Chief Cabinet Secretary Yasuo Fukuda with 10% and Foreign Minister Taro Aso with 3%. An executive member of the Tanigaki faction said: "If the support rate remains below 5%, it will not be worth even talking about." Observers say that although Tanigaki tends to dress conservatively, he has begun to be more fashion-conscious, taking advice from his wife and second daughter when appearing on TV programs. With an eye on the House of Councillors election next summer, a senior Upper House LDP member coolly said, "Although Mr. Aso and Mr. Tanigaki had assumed ministerial posts for many years, their support rates stayed at these low levels. Mr. ABE might be better than they because he is younger than the rest." The political power of Tanigaki as a presidential candidate holds the key to the fate of the grand-Kochikai scheme. (4) Gov't to make cabinet decision on coastal plan; Nago stiffens attitude; "Gov't must not be allowed to do so at its discretion" OKINAWA TIMES March 16, 2006 The city of Nago in Okinawa Prefecture has stiffened its attitude against the government's change of course to give up on its 1999 cabinet-adopted initial plan to relocate the US Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station to a site in waters off the coast of Henoko in the city of Nago. The Japanese government is now poised to supersede its previous cabinet decision to replace the current Henoko offshore relocation plan with an alternative plan to build a new facility in a coastal area of Camp Schwab to take over the airfield's heliport functions. "The government must not be allowed to do so at its discretion," a Nago official said. The Okinawa prefectural government is also upset at the Japanese government's unilateral scrapping of the current offshore plan, with one of its officials saying such a course of action runs counter to the principle of faith and trust. "How will the TOKYO 00001404 005 OF 006 government make it consistent with the past process of working together with us?" With this, the prefectural government is paying close attention to the cabinet decision's contents. The Japanese government is going through procedures to carry out the coastal plan without reflecting local views. Its effectiveness, however, is becoming even more questionable. "Is it really acceptable?" An opposition party member raised this question in a plenary sitting of Nago City's municipal assembly yesterday morning after the Okinawa Times' reporting. Nago Deputy Mayor Bunshin Suematsu was at a loss and looked angry when he took the floor to answer the question. "The government threw our long-accumulated efforts into a wastebasket," Suematsu stated before the assembly. The deputy mayor continued: "The government must not be allowed to do that at its discretion. If that's the case, (the relocation issue) is not even at zero; it's less than zero." The Japanese and US governments will shortly work out a final report on the realignment of US forces in Japan. Meanwhile, Nago officials have told Japanese government officials that the city is opposed to the coastal plan. The city's assembly has also sent messages to the Japanese government. The Nago municipal government has clarified in the municipal assembly's current regular session that the Henoko offshore relocation plan and the option of building an offshore facility in shallow waters off Henoko (excluding Nagashima and Hirashima where local residents visit for recreation) are "within the scope of consideration." In addition, the city's municipal government took the position that it will uphold former Mayor Tateo Kishimoto's proposal of seven preconditions-such as concluding a basing agreement with the United States-for his acceptance of the Henoko offshore plan. The municipal government also proposed building a 1,300-meter tarmac in conformity with the final report of the Japan-US Special Action Committee on Okinawa (SACO) in case the newly planned alternative facility is not for joint military-civilian use but for the US military's use only. The Japanese government, however, is reportedly determined to reach a final settlement with the US government for the coastal plan. The city's government therefore stiffened its attitude. "There's no change in our opposition to the coastal plan eve if it's incorporated in the final report," Nago Mayor Yoshikazu Shimabukuro stated before the municipal assembly on March 14. "I wonder if the cabinet decision is so light that it can be changed in defiance of Okinawa," said Morihide Okido, who presides over a group of local residents pushing for the Henoko offshore relocation plan. Okido added, "Our stance against the coastal plan will never change even if the government makes such a cabinet decision." (5) Editorial: We condemn those government officials involved in bid-rigging for DFAA-sponsored projects NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Full) March 15, 2006 The Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office indicted three Defense Facilities Administrative Agency (DFAA) officials for colluding on bids for projects sponsored by their agency and TOKYO 00001404 006 OF 006 having decided in advance who would win the bids. Public prosecutors summarily indicted nine responsible officials on the corporate side. Former DFAA officials are included among the nine. The companies that took part in the rigged-bidding accepted the summary indictments. It means that they admitted the charges against them. Public prosecutors arrested government officials involved in order to take them to court, but they just issued summary indictments for the officials responsible in the companies involved, mainly because the prosecutors judged that it was the government officials who took the initiative in rigging bids for DFAA-sponsored projects. The number of DFAA-sponsored projects in which tax money was allegedly wasted comes to 11, combining earlier cases in which charges have already been brought against government officials. Two senior officials of the former New Tokyo International Airport Public Corporation, now Narita International Airport Corporation, were indicted over a government office-led bid- rigging case similar to that involving the DFAA. The Tokyo District Court recently found those two guilty of rigging the bids on the public tender. As a reason for the decision, the court pointed out that the officials in question leaked cost estimates for projects coming up for bidding and then decided which bidders would win the project, taking into consideration how many retired officials the bidders had accepted. The court also acknowledged that the public corporation decided successful bidders and leaked cost estimates to them as part of their work and this practice had been carried out continuously and repeatedly. It is only natural to assume that the situation was the same in the DFAA. If the government agency that wants to secure plum jobs for retiring officials and the companies that want to receive as many orders as possible at the highest possible contract prices, colluded on bids for their mutual benefit, then the bureaucracy should be held more accountable for orchestrating the scams. Not only did the government officials violate the law but also they offered taxpayers' money to the bidders for the benefit of themselves. Such cases are even more despicable than bribery. If the bill amending the Law for the Prevention of Collusive Bidding at the Initiative of Government Officials is enacted during the current Diet session, government officials convicted of leading bid-rigging schemes would receive a prison term up to five years, the same punishment imposed in simple bribery cases under the Criminal Law. The bid-rigging prevention law does not have punitive provisions, but if it is revised, it will have a deterrent capability. That is not enough as a measure to prevent bid rigging by government officials. The open public bidding system should be applied to public procurements in compliance with provisions under the Public Account Law. Guidance designed to promote related government officials' awareness of compliance is also needed. Both the central and local governments should make sure that they take various measures so that a situation that requires the imposition of Law for the Prevention of Collusive Bidding at the Initiative of Government Officials will not occur. SCHIEFFER