DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 02/27/06

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 10 TOKYO 001039 SIPDIS SIPDIS DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 02/27/06 INDEX: (1) Poll on Koizumi cabinet, political parties, social divide, US beef, imperial throne (2) Minshuto's Nagata to apologize over Horie e-mail; Focus to shift to leadership's responsibility; President Maehara eager to maintain current leadership, while Diet affairs chief Noda ready to resign (3) GSDF gives up organizing new regiment under Central Readiness Command (4) FTA talks with 6 Gulf nations to start in July; Government determined to secure resources (5) Editorial: US beef - higher hurdle to clear before winning Japanese confidence (6) Editorial: One year after enactment of Kyoto Protocol; The situation is not that pessimistic (7) A report from San Francisco, birthplace of Japan-US alliance (Corrected copy) Poll: 58% see no need for Maehara to resign; DPJ substantially down in public support ARTICLES: (1) Poll on Koizumi cabinet, political parties, social divide, US beef, imperial throne ASAHI (Page 4) (Full) February 21, 2006 Questions & Answers (Figures shown in percentage, rounded off. Parentheses denote the results of a survey conducted Jan. 28-29.) Q: Do you support the Koizumi cabinet? Yes 43 (45) No 41 (37) Q: Why? (One reason only. Left column for those marking "yes" on previous question, and right for those saying "no.") The prime minister is Mr. Koizumi 9(10) 3(3) The prime minister is from the Liberal Democratic Party 7(5) 3(4) From the aspect of policies 14(18) 26(21) Because of the coalition government 4(3) 5(5) No particular reason 7(7) 3(4) Q: Which political party do you support now? Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 36 (36) Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 14 (16) New Komeito (NK) 3 (3) TOKYO 00001039 002 OF 010 Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 2 (2) Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 2 (1) People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0 (0) New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0 (0) Liberal League (LL or Jiyu Rengo) 0 (0) None 38 (34) No answer (N/A) + don't know (D/K) 5 (8) Q: Do you actually feel that income and other disparities are expanding in Japan? Yes 71 No 20 Q: (Only for those who answered "yes") Do you think the expansion of such disparities has something to do with Prime Minister Koizumi's policy? Yes 35 No 28 Q: Prime Minister Koizumi has pushed for a 'small government' policy that privatizes administrative services as far as possible to downsize administrative bodies. Would you like the next prime minister to take over this policy course? (One choice only) Yes 28 Yes, but different ways preferable 47 No 14 Q: In the current Diet session, the government and the ruling coalition have been grilled over the Livedoor scandal and US beef embargo. Do you support Prime Minister Koizumi on these issues? Yes 22 No 60 Q: Do you think it would be better to limit the imperial throne to men only, or do you otherwise think it better to amend the law so as to allow women as well to succeed to the throne? (Parentheses denote the results of a survey conducted in November 2005.) Men only 19 (10) Women, too 66 (78) Q: To date, Japan's emperors have all been descended from the male line. If a child born to a reigning empress were to become emperor, it would mean allowing an emperor of matrilineal descent for the first time in history. Do you think it would be better to sustain patrilineal succession to the imperial throne as ever, or do you otherwise think it would be all right to accept emperors of matrilineal descent? Patrilineal succession only 26 (17) Matrilineal succession, too 60 (71) Q: Prime Minister Koizumi said he would introduce an Imperial House Law amendment bill to the Diet at the current session allowing female-line accession to the imperial throne. But after Her Imperial Highness Princess Kiko was found pregnant, he gave up presenting the bill to the Diet during the current session. Do TOKYO 00001039 003 OF 010 you think his judgment was appropriate? Yes 60 No 27 Q: The Imperial House Law stipulates imperial succession and imperial family members. When thinking of the future, do you think it would be better to leave the law intact as is? Yes 28 No 52 Polling methodology: The survey was conducted Feb. 18-19 over the telephone on a computer-aided random digit dialing (RDD) basis. This RDD formula chooses persons for the survey from among all eligible voters throughout the nation on a three-sage random- sampling basis. Valid answers were obtained from 1,979 persons (59%). (2) Minshuto's Nagata to apologize over Horie e-mail; Focus to shift to leadership's responsibility; President Maehara eager to maintain current leadership, while Diet affairs chief Noda ready to resign NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Abridged slightly) February 27, 2006 The Minshuto (Democratic Party of Japan) leadership intends to put an early end to the e-mail hullabaloo with a formal apology by its member Hisayasu Nagata for charging the second son of Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) Secretary General Tsutomu Takebe of receiving money from former Livedoor Co. President Takafumi Horie. Although President Seiji Maehara seems determined to maintain the current party leadership, his stance may draw fire from the public and from within the party. The focus is expected to shift soon to the responsibility of the party leadership. Maehara appeared on an NHK talk show yesterday in which he acknowledged the leadership was at fault for allowing Nagata to confront Takebe without verifying the e-mail's credibility: "Our efforts to investigate the case and attack the LDP were insufficient. We keenly feel responsible for the consequences." Secretary General Yukio Hatoyama also indicated yesterday that SIPDIS the party leadership would make an apology following Nagata's to further douse the flames. Maehara claimed on the same talk show that his party had pinned down bank accounts used for fund transfers. The Minshuto leader also indicated on a TV-Asahi program that the party leadership would fulfill its responsibility by continuing to work hard to uncover the truth behind the e-mail, saying, "We have obtained solid evidence to prove the existence of a huge black pit." Diet Affairs Committee Chairman Yoshihiko Noda appearing on the same TV-Asahi program disagreed: "We failed to verity the source of the information before Nagata took the floor as a questioner. We advised Nagata to get out front on the issue, but we wrongly assumed that new information would follow." According to Noda, Nagata reported to the party that he had obtained a copy of the e-mail in question from a highly reliable TOKYO 00001039 004 OF 010 source, insisting that the channel would collapse if other Minshuto members became involved. But the contact turned out to be only a freelance reporter, and not an original informant. Noda later revealed to the press his intention to resign as chief of the Diet Affairs Committee in order to end the turmoil in the party, noting, "I am always most responsible for anything that occurs at the Diet. I will ponder now how I should take responsibility for the e-mail flap, based on severe criticism." The party plans to clarify the leadership's responsibility after releasing the results of its investigation following Nagata's apology. Ironing out views in the party may encounter difficulties. (3) GSDF gives up organizing new regiment under Central Readiness Command TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 1) (Full) February 26, 2006 The Ground Self-Defense Force (GSDF) has called off its plan to organize a rapid deployment regiment (RDR) as an element under the Central Readiness Command (CRC),a 3,200-strong unit designed to cope with newly emerging threats and command GSDF personnel participating in Japan's international peace cooperation activities, sources revealed. The CRC is a centerpiece of Japan's new defense plan called the National Defense Program Guidelines (NDPG),which was formerly known as the National Defense Program Outline or NDPO for short. However, the CRC will likely have no regiment when it is launched in March next year. The RDR, unlike other infantry regiments, has no districts to cover and is called to mobilize its troops across the nation. Its constituent troops are expected to deal with guerrilla attacks and serve as an advance team of troops on overseas missions. The defense white paper of 2005 also describes the RDR's establishment. According to the GSDF Ground Staff Office's blueprint, the RDR was a unit at the manning level of 500-1,000 and was to base its troops at the GSDF's Utsunomiya garrison. The GSDF planned to make up the RDR with troops from four regiments that belong to the 12th Brigade, which is designated as an airborne brigade and based in the village of Shinto, Gumma Prefecture. The GSDF, however, could not afford to do so. The GSDF therefore gave up that plan last year. Instead, the GSDF will study an alternative plan in fiscal 2007 or afterward to employ a regiment that usually has officers only at its headquarters and will call up Defense Forces (SDF) reserves as needed. Accordingly, the CRC will have no mobile regiment even after its headquarters is established. As a result, its mobility will be substantially restrictive. Last October, the Japanese and US governments released an interim report on the planned realignment of US forces in Japan, incorporating an agreement to locate the CRC at Camp Zama, a US Army base in Kanagawa Prefecture. The Defense Agency has explained in its briefing of local authorities that the GSDF would station an infantry regiment at Sagami Depot, also a US Army facility in Kanagawa Prefecture. TOKYO 00001039 005 OF 010 That regiment, according to the Defense Agency's explanation, is not the RDR. However, the GSDF neither plans to establish any other infantry regiment, nor does it plan to redeploy troops from other GSDF garrisons. Earlier in the year, the Defense Agency gave up deploying GSDF troops to Sagami Depot. This is presumably linked to the decision to forego the RDR's establishment. (4) FTA talks with 6 Gulf nations to start in July; Government determined to secure resources NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Full) February 27, 2006 The government has decided to launch talks on a free trade agreement (FTA) with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), consisting of 6 Persian Gulf nations in July. One procedure before starting FTA talks has been to hold study meetings to sort out key points of arguments. However, talks with the GCC will take an unusual course of omitting this process. The GCC supplies approximately 70% of Japan's crude oil imports. The aim to sign an FTA with the GCC is to secure a stable supply of resources through a reinforced relationship with those gulf nations. Another aim is to counter China, which has already started FTA talks with it. The GCC, consisting of Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (UAE),is a customs union. It is the fourth largest trade partner for Japan, following China, the US and South Korea, at about 6.8 trillion yen in 2004. Japan plans to seek the abolition of a 5% tariff imposed by the GCC. It also intends to discuss a preferential crude oil supply to Japan in the event of emergencies, such as war. China started FTA talks with the GCC in Apr. last year. Europe and the US are also pursuing such talks with it. Japan is thus lagging behind the trend. There has been concern that if the situation were left unattended, it would have a negative impact on the nation's procurement of resources, including crude oil. It is a usual practice to sort out before starting FTA talks agenda items over a year or so at such a setting as study meetings. The government has judged that since agenda items for talks with the GCC would be limited to such issues as tariffs, resources and investment, advance panel discussions would not be needed. Foreign Minister Taro Aso this month has ordered accelerated FTA talks with the GCC. The Japan Business Federation (Nippon Keidanren) has also submitted a written request to the government and the ruling camp to launch FTA talks with the GCC at an early date. Japan's FTA talks standings Signed Singapore Mexico Package agreement reached Malaysia Thailand Philippines Talks under way TOKYO 00001039 006 OF 010 South Korea (under suspension) ASEAN (Association of South-East Asian Nations) Indonesia Chile Major FTA candidates India Australia Switzerland Vietnam South Africa (5) Editorial: US beef - higher hurdle to clear before winning Japanese confidence YOMIURI (Page 3) (Full) February 26, 2006 Can the recent USDA report be taken as a step forward to win Japanese confidence in US beef? The US Department of Agriculture (USDA) recently provided a report to Japan, aiming for the lifting of Japan's second ban on US beef imports that has continued since specified risk materials (SRM) - where the BSE agent is prone to accumulate - were found in a portion of US beef shipments to Japan. The report is being closely examined by Japanese officials. According to the report, the reason why beef with SRM was shipped to Japan was because a US meat packer and a US Department of Agriculture (USDA) inspector were both unaware that the removal of SRM was required for beef exports to Japan. As preventive measures against a recurrence, the report comes up with the 15-item steps, including inspections by more than one inspector, surprise inspections and also thorough dissemination of guidelines for meat packers. Frankly acknowledging a mistake, the US government has worked out those measures to improve the inspection system. This response is only natural. Agriculture Minister Nakagawa has said the report is still inadequate, indicating he will ask the US to come up with an additional report. If there are questionable points, Japan needs to seek answers. But if the US explanations are convincing, it is only natural to sit down at the negotiating table and decide whether to lift the import ban. It is not a wise policy to leave the US with the impression that Japan is intentionally trying to delay the lifting of the ban. What Japan should do when it moves on to talks on the resumption of imports is to request a full implementation of the set of 15 measures presented by the US. Whatever rules are hammered out, if these are not observed, the report would simply end up meaningless. What Japan should do before making a decision on whether to resume US beef imports for instance, inspecting US slaughterhouses to see if workers there have a correct grip on Japan's import requirements. Doing so is necessary, given that there was the gap between Japan TOKYO 00001039 007 OF 010 and the US when Japan decided to resume US beef imports in last December. The US has authorized 40 slaughterhouses as beef exporters to Japan. One of such facilities shipped beef to Japan while Japan's inspection of some of such facilities was continuing. Japan's understanding at the time was that after Japan completed its inspections in the US, US beef exports would be resumed, but the US understanding was otherwise. In addition, the inspector who let the beef be shipped to Japan had neither received export procedure training nor had he been made aware of the export requirements, according to the appendix to the report. Aside from this report, the US has disclosed that downer cattle, unable to walk and not allowed to use for human consumption, were slaughtered for human consumption. Every time a problem like these occurs, Japan increases its concerns. The US needs to thoroughly disseminate BSE measures at home. Should a similar problem be repeated in the US, it would not be easy at all to win Japanese confidence in US beef. The US ought to keep this point in mind. (6) Editorial: One year after enactment of Kyoto Protocol; The situation is not that pessimistic MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full) February 22, 2006 It has been a year since the Kyoto Protocol, which aimed to prevent global warming, went into effect. During the past year, signatory nations agreed to make efforts to achieve their targets of cutting back on carbon dioxide emissions on such occasions as the G-8 and the First Meeting of the Parties to the Kyoto Protocol. The situation is such that even the US, which walked out of the framework, has to admit that human-induced global warming is progressing. The pact sets that industrialized nations, the former USSR and East Europe cut back on emissions of greenhouse gasses, such as carbon dioxide, 5.2% in average in a period from 2008 through 2012, from the 1990 level. It, however, is not easy to achieve this target. When it comes to the issue of drafting a framework for 2013 and after, there appears to be few prospects. That is because developing countries, whose greenhouse gas emissions are sharply increasing, as well as the US, are reluctant to the undertake the obligation to reduce such emissions. However, the situation is not really that bad. Not all American people take a negative stance toward the global warming issue. It is advantageous for companies to be assessed as being positive about cutting emissions of carbon dioxide. As a matter of fact, many companies are making efforts to trim such emissions. In other words, cutbacks on carbon dioxide emissions mean cutting back on oil consumption. Such efforts will boost corporate competitiveness over the long term. The energy issue is a pressing issue for the US, as can be seen TOKYO 00001039 008 OF 010 in the fact that President Bush cited a policy of emerging from reliance on oil in the State of the Union address this year. It would be difficult to expect the present administration to accept a framework similar to the Kyoto Protocol, but the administration is positive toward technical cooperation. The US is, for instance, a member of the Asia-Pacific Partnership (APP) along with Japan, Australia, South Korea, China and India. In addition, California and main northwest states have independently adopted reduction targets or begun carbon emissions trading. Some members of the US Congress, albeit still a minority, have begun to call for mandating carbon dioxide emissions cuts. China and India are giving priority to achieving economic growth, but they are also indicating strong interest in energy-conserving technologies and technologies to reduce carbon dioxide emissions. They have expressed hope for technical cooperation in the steel and cement industries. They are beginning to realize that excessive oil consumption and global warming will put a dent on the uptrend of their economies. The next step for them to take is to join the post-Kyoto Protocol framework. It appears hard for Japan to achieve the targeted 6% cut from the 1990 level. It is, however, about to complete a framework for the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and a carbon emissions trading system. Basically, it should make efforts to achieve the target by cutting domestic emissions. However, under the present circumstance, in which its emissions volume in 2003 increased 8.3% from the 1990 level, it would have to use various mechanisms allowed under the pact to a considerable degree. Household electric appliance manufacturers are continuing efforts to manufacture energy-conserving products, and automakers are hitting the market with higher fuel efficiency models. A steady approach like this is a real measure to reduce global warming, but more efforts are also needed. It is imperative to constrain oil consumption and carbon dioxide emissions and to facilitate technical development through international cooperation to achieve that end. That is because global warming is not the issue concerning one region or one country. Border- crossing measures are needed. (7) A report from San Francisco, birthplace of Japan-US alliance By Hisayoshi Ina, Nihon Keizai Shimbun editorial writer, in San Francisco NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Abridged) February 26, 2006 Japan Airline's first international route was between San Francisco and Tokyo, and the reversal was its second international route. Japan Airlines was followed by All Nippon Airways, which provided services between Washington and Tokyo. There has been a large Japanese community in San Francisco overlooking the Pacific. The Treaty of Peace with Japan and the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between Japan and the United States were also concluded in San Francisco in 1951. Long serving as a frontier of relations between the two countries, San Francisco is also the birthplace of the Japan-US alliance. TOKYO 00001039 009 OF 010 Co-chaired by Japanese Ambassador to the US Nobuo Matsunaga and James Kelly, who later became assistant secretary of state, the Japan-US security seminar was first held at the prestigious Fairmount Hotel in March 1995. Former Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage demonstrated a significant presence. Relations between Tokyo and Washington were clearly lacking momentum under the Murayama administration in Japan and the Clinton administration in the US. The seminar was planned by a handful of leaders, including Japanese Consul General in San Francisco Ryozo Kato, currently Ambassador to the US, who was eager to bring changes to the bilateral relationship. In the session, Assistant Secretary of Defense Joseph Nye delivered a keynote speech in which he elaborated on the so- called Nye Report. National defense analyst Michael Green, who later became White House Senior Asian Director, handed out purple booklets titled, Redefining the US-Japan Alliance. Japanese and US diplomatic authorities had been dragging their heels, but their reluctance ended in April 1996 with the release of the Japan-US Joint Declaration, a historic document specifying the significance of the Japan-US alliance of the post-Cold War era. The 12th Japan-US security meeting was held this Feb. 22-23, which brought together Armitage, Kelly, Green and others who were no longer with the US government. The meeting focused on Iran and China. The US side questioned Japan's readiness to go along with a UN Security Council decision to impose sanctions on Iran. Some Japanese members expressed support for sanctions, while some others pointed out a difference in energy situations between Japan and the US. Voices fearing that visits to Yasukuni Shrine by the Japanese prime minister would end up putting China at an advantage in today's international image war did not draw any objections. Although such developments more or less alluded to China's victory in the image war, I do not think things are going to be that simple. The discussion was based on the theory that the Japan-US alliance, for instance, would constrain China from pressing Japan for compromises on non-Yasukuni issues, such as gas fields in the East China Sea even if Japan made concessions on the Yasukuni issue. The discussion sounded like a message to Japan's new leader after Koizumi. Deputy Secretary of State Robert Zoellick's remarks describing China as a responsible stakeholder was also a hot topic. I had a chance to meet Zoellick in person in Washington. Zoellick explained that the notion of a stakeholder carried wide- ranging significance transcending that of shareholder and that the term's difficulty to put into Chinese helped him discuss matters thoroughly with Chinese authorities. I believer Zoellick urged China to play a role befitting its international's position not only in the economy but also all other areas. It was a warning that a free ride would not be allowed. TOKYO 00001039 010 OF 010 That argument was often heard two decades ago at the height of Japan-US trade disputes. There is a trend in Japan to equate the stakeholder argument with a pro-China policy course of the United States. Such a trend will only give rise to a misunderstanding. (Corrected copy) Poll: 58% see no need for Maehara to resign; DPJ substantially down in public support TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Full) February 27, 2006 Kyodo News conducted a telephone-based spot nationwide public opinion survey on Feb. 25-26 over an opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) lawmaker's parliamentary pursuit of Livedoor's alleged emailed order to send money to an LDP executive's son. In the survey, respondents were asked if they thought DPJ President Seiji Maehara should resign as party president. In response to this question, 27.6% answered "yes", with 58.7% saying "no" though he is responsible, and 7.8% saying he is not responsible. Public support for the DPJ was 11.3 %, showing a substantial drop of 5.7 percentage points from the last telephone-based poll in January. The figure is the lowest ever since the merger of the DPJ and the Liberal Party in October 2003, and it shows the public's wavering trust in the DPJ. In the survey, respondents were also asked if they thought Hisayasu Nagata, a House of Representatives member who took up the email issue in the Diet, should resign his Diet seat. In response to this question, "yes" accounted for 37.6% with "no" at 22.9%. However, 37.9% answered they "can't say which." Nagata's future course seems to be up to how the DPJ handles the email issue. The approval rating for the Koizumi cabinet was 51.8%, down 1.1 points from the last survey. The disapproval rating was 37.2%, up 2.9 points. In the breakdown of reasons for supporting the Koizumi cabinet, 38.2% picked "there's no other appropriate person," up 8.0 points from the last survey. However, there was a decrease in the proportion of positive reasons, such as "because something can be expected of its administrative reform." In particular, the proportion of those picking "because something can be expected of its foreign policies" dropped to 0.3%. Polling methodology: The survey was conducted over a period of two days, Feb. 25-26, on a random digit dialing (RDD) basis. The computer-aided RDD methodology, which makes and puts out telephone numbers at random for polling, can survey those who do not have their telephone numbers listed in telephone directories. Among those randomly generated telephone numbers, those actually for household use with one or more eligible voters totaled 1,488. Answers were obtained from 1,027 persons. SCHIEFFER