DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 02/27/06

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 10 TOKYO 001039

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SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 02/27/06


INDEX:

(1) Poll on Koizumi cabinet, political parties, social divide, US
beef, imperial throne

(2) Minshuto's Nagata to apologize over Horie e-mail; Focus to
shift to leadership's responsibility; President Maehara eager to
maintain current leadership, while Diet affairs chief Noda ready
to resign

(3) GSDF gives up organizing new regiment under Central Readiness
Command

(4) FTA talks with 6 Gulf nations to start in July; Government
determined to secure resources

(5) Editorial: US beef - higher hurdle to clear before winning
Japanese confidence

(6) Editorial: One year after enactment of Kyoto Protocol; The
situation is not that pessimistic

(7) A report from San Francisco, birthplace of Japan-US alliance

(Corrected copy) Poll: 58% see no need for Maehara to resign;
DPJ substantially down in public support

ARTICLES:

(1) Poll on Koizumi cabinet, political parties, social divide, US
beef, imperial throne

ASAHI (Page 4) (Full)
February 21, 2006

Questions & Answers
(Figures shown in percentage, rounded off. Parentheses denote the
results of a survey conducted Jan. 28-29.)

Q: Do you support the Koizumi cabinet?

Yes 43 (45)
No 41 (37)

Q: Why? (One reason only. Left column for those marking "yes" on
previous question, and right for those saying "no.")

The prime minister is Mr. Koizumi
9(10) 3(3)
The prime minister is from the Liberal Democratic Party
7(5) 3(4)
From the aspect of policies
14(18) 26(21)
Because of the coalition government
4(3) 5(5)
No particular reason
7(7) 3(4)

Q: Which political party do you support now?

Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 36 (36)
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 14 (16)
New Komeito (NK) 3 (3)

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Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 2 (2)
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 2 (1)
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0 (0)
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0 (0)
Liberal League (LL or Jiyu Rengo) 0 (0)
None 38 (34)
No answer (N/A) + don't know (D/K) 5 (8)

Q: Do you actually feel that income and other disparities are
expanding in Japan?

Yes 71
No 20

Q: (Only for those who answered "yes") Do you think the expansion
of such disparities has something to do with Prime Minister
Koizumi's policy?

Yes 35
No 28

Q: Prime Minister Koizumi has pushed for a 'small government'
policy that privatizes administrative services as far as possible
to downsize administrative bodies. Would you like the next prime
minister to take over this policy course? (One choice only)

Yes 28
Yes, but different ways preferable 47
No 14

Q: In the current Diet session, the government and the ruling
coalition have been grilled over the Livedoor scandal and US beef
embargo. Do you support Prime Minister Koizumi on these issues?

Yes 22
No 60

Q: Do you think it would be better to limit the imperial throne
to men only, or do you otherwise think it better to amend the law
so as to allow women as well to succeed to the throne?
(Parentheses denote the results of a survey conducted in November
2005.)

Men only 19 (10)
Women, too 66 (78)


Q: To date, Japan's emperors have all been descended from the
male line. If a child born to a reigning empress were to become
emperor, it would mean allowing an emperor of matrilineal descent
for the first time in history. Do you think it would be better to
sustain patrilineal succession to the imperial throne as ever, or
do you otherwise think it would be all right to accept emperors
of matrilineal descent?

Patrilineal succession only 26 (17)
Matrilineal succession, too 60 (71)

Q: Prime Minister Koizumi said he would introduce an Imperial
House Law amendment bill to the Diet at the current session
allowing female-line accession to the imperial throne. But after
Her Imperial Highness Princess Kiko was found pregnant, he gave
up presenting the bill to the Diet during the current session. Do

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you think his judgment was appropriate?

Yes 60
No 27

Q: The Imperial House Law stipulates imperial succession and
imperial family members. When thinking of the future, do you
think it would be better to leave the law intact as is?

Yes 28
No 52

Polling methodology: The survey was conducted Feb. 18-19 over the
telephone on a computer-aided random digit dialing (RDD) basis.
This RDD formula chooses persons for the survey from among all
eligible voters throughout the nation on a three-sage random-
sampling basis. Valid answers were obtained from 1,979 persons
(59%).

(2) Minshuto's Nagata to apologize over Horie e-mail; Focus to
shift to leadership's responsibility; President Maehara eager to
maintain current leadership, while Diet affairs chief Noda ready
to resign

NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Abridged slightly)
February 27, 2006

The Minshuto (Democratic Party of Japan) leadership intends to
put an early end to the e-mail hullabaloo with a formal apology
by its member Hisayasu Nagata for charging the second son of
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) Secretary General Tsutomu Takebe
of receiving money from former Livedoor Co. President Takafumi
Horie. Although President Seiji Maehara seems determined to
maintain the current party leadership, his stance may draw fire
from the public and from within the party. The focus is expected
to shift soon to the responsibility of the party leadership.

Maehara appeared on an NHK talk show yesterday in which he
acknowledged the leadership was at fault for allowing Nagata to
confront Takebe without verifying the e-mail's credibility: "Our
efforts to investigate the case and attack the LDP were
insufficient. We keenly feel responsible for the consequences."
Secretary General Yukio Hatoyama also indicated yesterday that

SIPDIS
the party leadership would make an apology following Nagata's to
further douse the flames.

Maehara claimed on the same talk show that his party had pinned
down bank accounts used for fund transfers. The Minshuto leader
also indicated on a TV-Asahi program that the party leadership
would fulfill its responsibility by continuing to work hard to
uncover the truth behind the e-mail, saying, "We have obtained
solid evidence to prove the existence of a huge black pit."

Diet Affairs Committee Chairman Yoshihiko Noda appearing on the
same TV-Asahi program disagreed:

"We failed to verity the source of the information before Nagata
took the floor as a questioner. We advised Nagata to get out
front on the issue, but we wrongly assumed that new information
would follow."

According to Noda, Nagata reported to the party that he had
obtained a copy of the e-mail in question from a highly reliable

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source, insisting that the channel would collapse if other
Minshuto members became involved. But the contact turned out to
be only a freelance reporter, and not an original informant.

Noda later revealed to the press his intention to resign as chief
of the Diet Affairs Committee in order to end the turmoil in the
party, noting, "I am always most responsible for anything that
occurs at the Diet. I will ponder now how I should take
responsibility for the e-mail flap, based on severe criticism."

The party plans to clarify the leadership's responsibility after
releasing the results of its investigation following Nagata's
apology. Ironing out views in the party may encounter
difficulties.

(3) GSDF gives up organizing new regiment under Central Readiness
Command

TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 1) (Full)
February 26, 2006

The Ground Self-Defense Force (GSDF) has called off its plan to
organize a rapid deployment regiment (RDR) as an element under
the Central Readiness Command (CRC),a 3,200-strong unit designed
to cope with newly emerging threats and command GSDF personnel
participating in Japan's international peace cooperation
activities, sources revealed. The CRC is a centerpiece of Japan's
new defense plan called the National Defense Program Guidelines
(NDPG),which was formerly known as the National Defense Program
Outline or NDPO for short. However, the CRC will likely have no
regiment when it is launched in March next year.

The RDR, unlike other infantry regiments, has no districts to
cover and is called to mobilize its troops across the nation. Its
constituent troops are expected to deal with guerrilla attacks
and serve as an advance team of troops on overseas missions. The
defense white paper of 2005 also describes the RDR's
establishment.

According to the GSDF Ground Staff Office's blueprint, the RDR
was a unit at the manning level of 500-1,000 and was to base its
troops at the GSDF's Utsunomiya garrison. The GSDF planned to
make up the RDR with troops from four regiments that belong to
the 12th Brigade, which is designated as an airborne brigade and
based in the village of Shinto, Gumma Prefecture.

The GSDF, however, could not afford to do so. The GSDF therefore
gave up that plan last year. Instead, the GSDF will study an
alternative plan in fiscal 2007 or afterward to employ a regiment
that usually has officers only at its headquarters and will call
up Defense Forces (SDF) reserves as needed.

Accordingly, the CRC will have no mobile regiment even after its
headquarters is established. As a result, its mobility will be
substantially restrictive.

Last October, the Japanese and US governments released an interim
report on the planned realignment of US forces in Japan,
incorporating an agreement to locate the CRC at Camp Zama, a US
Army base in Kanagawa Prefecture. The Defense Agency has
explained in its briefing of local authorities that the GSDF
would station an infantry regiment at Sagami Depot, also a US
Army facility in Kanagawa Prefecture.

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That regiment, according to the Defense Agency's explanation, is
not the RDR. However, the GSDF neither plans to establish any
other infantry regiment, nor does it plan to redeploy troops from
other GSDF garrisons. Earlier in the year, the Defense Agency
gave up deploying GSDF troops to Sagami Depot. This is presumably
linked to the decision to forego the RDR's establishment.

(4) FTA talks with 6 Gulf nations to start in July; Government
determined to secure resources

NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Full)
February 27, 2006

The government has decided to launch talks on a free trade
agreement (FTA) with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC),
consisting of 6 Persian Gulf nations in July. One procedure
before starting FTA talks has been to hold study meetings to sort
out key points of arguments. However, talks with the GCC will
take an unusual course of omitting this process. The GCC supplies
approximately 70% of Japan's crude oil imports. The aim to sign
an FTA with the GCC is to secure a stable supply of resources
through a reinforced relationship with those gulf nations.
Another aim is to counter China, which has already started FTA
talks with it.

The GCC, consisting of Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar
and the United Arab Emirates (UAE),is a customs union. It is the
fourth largest trade partner for Japan, following China, the US
and South Korea, at about 6.8 trillion yen in 2004. Japan plans
to seek the abolition of a 5% tariff imposed by the GCC. It also
intends to discuss a preferential crude oil supply to Japan in
the event of emergencies, such as war.

China started FTA talks with the GCC in Apr. last year. Europe
and the US are also pursuing such talks with it. Japan is thus
lagging behind the trend. There has been concern that if the
situation were left unattended, it would have a negative impact
on the nation's procurement of resources, including crude oil.

It is a usual practice to sort out before starting FTA talks
agenda items over a year or so at such a setting as study
meetings. The government has judged that since agenda items for
talks with the GCC would be limited to such issues as tariffs,
resources and investment, advance panel discussions would not be
needed. Foreign Minister Taro Aso this month has ordered
accelerated FTA talks with the GCC. The Japan Business Federation
(Nippon Keidanren) has also submitted a written request to the
government and the ruling camp to launch FTA talks with the GCC
at an early date.

Japan's FTA talks standings

Signed
Singapore
Mexico

Package agreement reached
Malaysia
Thailand
Philippines

Talks under way

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South Korea (under suspension)
ASEAN (Association of South-East Asian Nations)
Indonesia
Chile

Major FTA candidates
India
Australia
Switzerland
Vietnam
South Africa

(5) Editorial: US beef - higher hurdle to clear before winning
Japanese confidence

YOMIURI (Page 3) (Full)
February 26, 2006

Can the recent USDA report be taken as a step forward to win
Japanese confidence in US beef?

The US Department of Agriculture (USDA) recently provided a
report to Japan, aiming for the lifting of Japan's second ban on
US beef imports that has continued since specified risk materials
(SRM) - where the BSE agent is prone to accumulate - were found
in a portion of US beef shipments to Japan. The report is being
closely examined by Japanese officials.

According to the report, the reason why beef with SRM was shipped
to Japan was because a US meat packer and a US Department of
Agriculture (USDA) inspector were both unaware that the removal
of SRM was required for beef exports to Japan.

As preventive measures against a recurrence, the report comes up
with the 15-item steps, including inspections by more than one
inspector, surprise inspections and also thorough dissemination
of guidelines for meat packers.

Frankly acknowledging a mistake, the US government has worked out
those measures to improve the inspection system. This response is
only natural.

Agriculture Minister Nakagawa has said the report is still
inadequate, indicating he will ask the US to come up with an
additional report. If there are questionable points, Japan needs
to seek answers. But if the US explanations are convincing, it is
only natural to sit down at the negotiating table and decide
whether to lift the import ban. It is not a wise policy to leave
the US with the impression that Japan is intentionally trying to
delay the lifting of the ban.

What Japan should do when it moves on to talks on the resumption
of imports is to request a full implementation of the set of 15
measures presented by the US. Whatever rules are hammered out, if
these are not observed, the report would simply end up
meaningless.

What Japan should do before making a decision on whether to
resume US beef imports for instance, inspecting US
slaughterhouses to see if workers there have a correct grip on
Japan's import requirements.

Doing so is necessary, given that there was the gap between Japan

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and the US when Japan decided to resume US beef imports in last
December.

The US has authorized 40 slaughterhouses as beef exporters to
Japan. One of such facilities shipped beef to Japan while Japan's
inspection of some of such facilities was continuing.

Japan's understanding at the time was that after Japan completed
its inspections in the US, US beef exports would be resumed, but
the US understanding was otherwise.

In addition, the inspector who let the beef be shipped to Japan
had neither received export procedure training nor had he been
made aware of the export requirements, according to the appendix
to the report.

Aside from this report, the US has disclosed that downer cattle,
unable to walk and not allowed to use for human consumption, were
slaughtered for human consumption.

Every time a problem like these occurs, Japan increases its
concerns. The US needs to thoroughly disseminate BSE measures at
home.

Should a similar problem be repeated in the US, it would not be
easy at all to win Japanese confidence in US beef. The US ought
to keep this point in mind.

(6) Editorial: One year after enactment of Kyoto Protocol; The
situation is not that pessimistic

MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full)
February 22, 2006

It has been a year since the Kyoto Protocol, which aimed to
prevent global warming, went into effect. During the past year,
signatory nations agreed to make efforts to achieve their targets
of cutting back on carbon dioxide emissions on such occasions as
the G-8 and the First Meeting of the Parties to the Kyoto
Protocol. The situation is such that even the US, which walked
out of the framework, has to admit that human-induced global
warming is progressing.

The pact sets that industrialized nations, the former USSR and
East Europe cut back on emissions of greenhouse gasses, such as
carbon dioxide, 5.2% in average in a period from 2008 through
2012, from the 1990 level. It, however, is not easy to achieve
this target. When it comes to the issue of drafting a framework
for 2013 and after, there appears to be few prospects. That is
because developing countries, whose greenhouse gas emissions are
sharply increasing, as well as the US, are reluctant to the
undertake the obligation to reduce such emissions.

However, the situation is not really that bad. Not all American
people take a negative stance toward the global warming issue. It
is advantageous for companies to be assessed as being positive
about cutting emissions of carbon dioxide. As a matter of fact,
many companies are making efforts to trim such emissions. In
other words, cutbacks on carbon dioxide emissions mean cutting
back on oil consumption. Such efforts will boost corporate
competitiveness over the long term.

The energy issue is a pressing issue for the US, as can be seen

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in the fact that President Bush cited a policy of emerging from
reliance on oil in the State of the Union address this year. It
would be difficult to expect the present administration to accept
a framework similar to the Kyoto Protocol, but the administration
is positive toward technical cooperation. The US is, for
instance, a member of the Asia-Pacific Partnership (APP) along
with Japan, Australia, South Korea, China and India. In addition,
California and main northwest states have independently adopted
reduction targets or begun carbon emissions trading. Some members
of the US Congress, albeit still a minority, have begun to call
for mandating carbon dioxide emissions cuts.

China and India are giving priority to achieving economic growth,
but they are also indicating strong interest in energy-conserving
technologies and technologies to reduce carbon dioxide emissions.
They have expressed hope for technical cooperation in the steel
and cement industries. They are beginning to realize that
excessive oil consumption and global warming will put a dent on
the uptrend of their economies. The next step for them to take is
to join the post-Kyoto Protocol framework.

It appears hard for Japan to achieve the targeted 6% cut from the
1990 level. It is, however, about to complete a framework for the
Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and a carbon emissions trading
system. Basically, it should make efforts to achieve the target
by cutting domestic emissions. However, under the present
circumstance, in which its emissions volume in 2003 increased
8.3% from the 1990 level, it would have to use various mechanisms
allowed under the pact to a considerable degree. Household
electric appliance manufacturers are continuing efforts to
manufacture energy-conserving products, and automakers are
hitting the market with higher fuel efficiency models.

A steady approach like this is a real measure to reduce global
warming, but more efforts are also needed. It is imperative to
constrain oil consumption and carbon dioxide emissions and to
facilitate technical development through international
cooperation to achieve that end. That is because global warming
is not the issue concerning one region or one country. Border-
crossing measures are needed.

(7) A report from San Francisco, birthplace of Japan-US alliance

By Hisayoshi Ina, Nihon Keizai Shimbun editorial writer, in San
Francisco

NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Abridged)
February 26, 2006

Japan Airline's first international route was between San
Francisco and Tokyo, and the reversal was its second
international route. Japan Airlines was followed by All Nippon
Airways, which provided services between Washington and Tokyo.

There has been a large Japanese community in San Francisco
overlooking the Pacific. The Treaty of Peace with Japan and the
Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between Japan and the
United States were also concluded in San Francisco in 1951.

Long serving as a frontier of relations between the two
countries, San Francisco is also the birthplace of the Japan-US
alliance.


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Co-chaired by Japanese Ambassador to the US Nobuo Matsunaga and
James Kelly, who later became assistant secretary of state, the
Japan-US security seminar was first held at the prestigious
Fairmount Hotel in March 1995. Former Deputy Secretary of State
Richard Armitage demonstrated a significant presence.

Relations between Tokyo and Washington were clearly lacking
momentum under the Murayama administration in Japan and the
Clinton administration in the US. The seminar was planned by a
handful of leaders, including Japanese Consul General in San
Francisco Ryozo Kato, currently Ambassador to the US, who was
eager to bring changes to the bilateral relationship.

In the session, Assistant Secretary of Defense Joseph Nye
delivered a keynote speech in which he elaborated on the so-
called Nye Report. National defense analyst Michael Green, who
later became White House Senior Asian Director, handed out purple
booklets titled, Redefining the US-Japan Alliance.

Japanese and US diplomatic authorities had been dragging their
heels, but their reluctance ended in April 1996 with the release
of the Japan-US Joint Declaration, a historic document specifying
the significance of the Japan-US alliance of the post-Cold War
era.

The 12th Japan-US security meeting was held this Feb. 22-23,
which brought together Armitage, Kelly, Green and others who were
no longer with the US government. The meeting focused on Iran and
China.

The US side questioned Japan's readiness to go along with a UN
Security Council decision to impose sanctions on Iran. Some
Japanese members expressed support for sanctions, while some
others pointed out a difference in energy situations between
Japan and the US.

Voices fearing that visits to Yasukuni Shrine by the Japanese
prime minister would end up putting China at an advantage in
today's international image war did not draw any objections.
Although such developments more or less alluded to China's
victory in the image war, I do not think things are going to be
that simple.

The discussion was based on the theory that the Japan-US
alliance, for instance, would constrain China from pressing Japan
for compromises on non-Yasukuni issues, such as gas fields in the
East China Sea even if Japan made concessions on the Yasukuni
issue. The discussion sounded like a message to Japan's new
leader after Koizumi.

Deputy Secretary of State Robert Zoellick's remarks describing
China as a responsible stakeholder was also a hot topic. I had a
chance to meet Zoellick in person in Washington.

Zoellick explained that the notion of a stakeholder carried wide-
ranging significance transcending that of shareholder and that
the term's difficulty to put into Chinese helped him discuss
matters thoroughly with Chinese authorities.

I believer Zoellick urged China to play a role befitting its
international's position not only in the economy but also all
other areas. It was a warning that a free ride would not be
allowed.

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That argument was often heard two decades ago at the height of
Japan-US trade disputes. There is a trend in Japan to equate the
stakeholder argument with a pro-China policy course of the United
States. Such a trend will only give rise to a misunderstanding.

(Corrected copy) Poll: 58% see no need for Maehara to resign;
DPJ substantially down in public support

TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Full)
February 27, 2006

Kyodo News conducted a telephone-based spot nationwide public
opinion survey on Feb. 25-26 over an opposition Democratic Party
of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) lawmaker's parliamentary pursuit of
Livedoor's alleged emailed order to send money to an LDP
executive's son. In the survey, respondents were asked if they
thought DPJ President Seiji Maehara should resign as party
president. In response to this question, 27.6% answered "yes",
with 58.7% saying "no" though he is responsible, and 7.8% saying
he is not responsible.

Public support for the DPJ was 11.3 %, showing a substantial drop
of 5.7 percentage points from the last telephone-based poll in
January. The figure is the lowest ever since the merger of the
DPJ and the Liberal Party in October 2003, and it shows the
public's wavering trust in the DPJ.

In the survey, respondents were also asked if they thought
Hisayasu Nagata, a House of Representatives member who took up
the email issue in the Diet, should resign his Diet seat. In
response to this question, "yes" accounted for 37.6% with "no" at
22.9%. However, 37.9% answered they "can't say which." Nagata's
future course seems to be up to how the DPJ handles the email
issue.

The approval rating for the Koizumi cabinet was 51.8%, down 1.1
points from the last survey. The disapproval rating was 37.2%, up
2.9 points. In the breakdown of reasons for supporting the
Koizumi cabinet, 38.2% picked "there's no other appropriate
person," up 8.0 points from the last survey. However, there was a
decrease in the proportion of positive reasons, such as "because
something can be expected of its administrative reform." In
particular, the proportion of those picking "because something
can be expected of its foreign policies" dropped to 0.3%.

Polling methodology: The survey was conducted over a period of
two days, Feb. 25-26, on a random digit dialing (RDD) basis. The
computer-aided RDD methodology, which makes and puts out
telephone numbers at random for polling, can survey those who do
not have their telephone numbers listed in telephone directories.
Among those randomly generated telephone numbers, those actually
for household use with one or more eligible voters totaled 1,488.
Answers were obtained from 1,027 persons.

SCHIEFFER