Identifier
Created
Classification
Origin
06SOFIA1080
2006-08-03 12:42:00
UNCLASSIFIED//FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
Embassy Sofia
Cable title:  

LINE OF BULGARIAN PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES BEGINS

Tags:  PGOV PREL BU 
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VZCZCXRO9325
RR RUEHAST
DE RUEHSF #1080/01 2151242
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
R 031242Z AUG 06
FM AMEMBASSY SOFIA
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 2309
INFO RUEHZL/EUROPEAN POLITICAL COLLECTIVE
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 SOFIA 001080 

SIPDIS

SENSITIVE
SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: PGOV PREL BU
SUBJECT: LINE OF BULGARIAN PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES BEGINS
TO FORM

REF: A. SOFIA 786

B. SOFIA 968

SOFIA 00001080 001.2 OF 003



UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 SOFIA 001080 SIPDIS SENSITIVE SIPDIS E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: PGOV PREL BU SUBJECT: LINE OF BULGARIAN PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES BEGINS TO FORM REF: A. SOFIA 786 ¶B. SOFIA 968 SOFIA 00001080 001.2 OF 003 ¶1. (SBU) SUMMARY: The October 22 presidential elections will offer Bulgarian voters the opportunity to pass judgment on the country,s most influential politician, incumbent President Georgi Parvanov. With Parvanov's candidacy a certainty (though still formally unannounced),several other figures have been identified as possible candidates by the news media and their own political parties. Socialist Parvanov currently stands the tallest among them, although Sofia Mayor Boiko Borisov could easily mount a competitive campaign at the last moment. Political unknown Nedelcho Beronov, a Constitutional Court justice, has been identified by right-wing parties as a candidate they will float jointly, yet early leaks of his name have yielded yawns from voters. The National Movement for Simeon II (NMSS) is expected to launch a candidate untainted by the scandal involving former King Simeon Saxe Coburg-Gotha -- until recently its presumed candidate. Volen Siderov, leader of the weakened extreme right-wing Ataka party, has made no public announcements about running, but his possible candidacy cannot be dismissed. If Parvanov wins, he will be the first Bulgarian president reelected since the fall of communism. END SUMMARY. -------------- -------------- WHY THE BULGARIAN PRESIDENCY -- AND THIS RACE -- MATTERS -------------- -------------- ¶2. (SBU) The Bulgarian presidential elections are the first solid opportunity since last summer,s general elections to gauge public attitudes toward the major political parties. Although the president exercises little formal power, the position embodies the ideal of national unity and represents Bulgaria on the international stage. President Parvanov, the former leader of the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP),exerts considerable behind-the-scenes influence over the current government, led by his protege, Sergei Stanishev. Parvanov played the decisive role in cobbling together the coalition government, comprised of the BSP, the NMSS, and the mainly ethnic Turkish Movement for Rights and Freedoms (MRF). The opposition parties have not missed an opportunity to criticize the coalition's handling of a range of issues, including unfulfilled pre-election pledges of social reform, the basing agreement wi
th the USG, and an inadequate humanitarian response in the wake of the 2005 summer floods. ¶3. (SBU) Recent polling estimates that 55% of registered voters would turn out if presidential elections were held today, and that 46.6% of respondents would support Parvanov, 24% Borissov, 5.4% UDF Chair Petar Stoyanov, and 4.7% Ataka leader Volen Siderov. Even without a specified candidate, NMSS would garner 2.4% of the vote, ahead of relative unknown Nedelcho Beronov,s 0.6%. Moreover, this election will be held at about the same time as the EU's decision on whether to allow Bulgaria to join the club. An unqualified "yes" decision could give a boost to the Socialists, who have led accession efforts; however, a "yes with safeguards" or a "no" could further bolster the fortunes of opposition candidates. -------------- PARVANOV'S CANDIDACY -- A SURE THING -------------- ¶4. (SBU) Although incumbent President Georgi Parvanov has yet to formally announce that he will run for a second term, his recent public comments and frequent travel within Bulgaria suggest that he has already launched an informal campaign. According to media reports, BSP experts have advised him not to announce his intentions until the last possible day in order to minimize his opponents' opportunities to take potshots at him. Officials within the party have reportedly announced that he will be nominated in early September, with current Vice President Angel Marin as his running mate. An initiative committee headed by Culture Minister Stefan Danailov will likely sponsor the nomination in an attempt to win support from a broader left-leaning base than BSP,s sponsorship alone would afford Parvanov. The president will likely retain his current base of support )- voters in villages and large towns, as well as those who are female, older than 29, and have more than a high school education. ¶5. (SBU) When Parvanov took office in January 2002, he left his post as head of the BSP, but remained one of the most influential and popular figures with the party. After the unclear results of last year's parliamentary elections, Parvanov managed to bridge the positions of the BSP and NMSS to form an absolute majority, and to convince them that the MRF -- which had supported him in the previous presidential SOFIA 00001080 002.2 OF 003 elections -- was also a necessary partner. Viewed as the "godfather of the government," Parvanov's success or failure in the elections will reflect the strength of the cabinet he created. During his term in office, he has taken a moderate position on a variety of foreign and domestic policy issues, earning himself the support of 60% of the public. Recent allegations that Parvanov collaborated with the former communist State Security agency )- which led him to acknowledge in June the existence of a secret intelligence file, coded-named "Gotse" -- have so far (ref A) not weakened Parvanov's standing. Parvanov has been a consistent voice in support of a moderate, pro-U.S. foreign policy, especially in the GWOT, Iraq, and Afghanistan, and with joint basing facilities here. He sought to tread delicately on these divisive issues in order to preserve the cohesion of reformers and hardliners within the BSP. Even so, his positions have cost him the support of the far-left wing of the party. -------------- OTHER CARDS IN THE DECK: THE WASTED TRUMP... -------------- ¶6. (SBU) The right-wing parties will also seek an opportunity to regain public support and reverse the losing streak they have suffered in elections since 2001. A relative unknown on the playing field is former Constitutional Court justice Nedelcho Beronov, whose name has recently been floated by right-wing parties as a possible candidate. Some dismiss the 78-year*old Beronov as being too old for the job, but his 40-plus-year career as an arbitrator at the State Arbitration Court and the Arbitration Court of the Bulgarian Chamber of Commerce and Industry provides him a modest buffer from the political mudslinging that plagues other candidates. Touted as mild-mannered but firm in his political views, Beronov is sufficiently distanced from the infighting of the fragmented right-wing parties. He is expected to be nominated jointly by the Union of Democratic Forces (UDF),the Democrats for a Strong Bulgaria (DSB),and smaller right-wing parties. But the right,s strategy of nominating an unknown candidate may have already backfired: Beronov is referred to in the press as a "bita carta" -- a hoped-for trump that turns out to be both weak and wasted when it is thrown in the game. -------------- ...THE WILD CARD... -------------- ¶7. (SBU) The most colorful personality so far to consider throwing his hat into the ring is Sofia Mayor Boiko Borisov -- a true wild card. The charismatic general ran as an independent in the 2005 mayoral race, presenting himself as an alternative to the political status quo. With an unmatched ability to send the short, clear message that he is different from the rest of the political class, Borisov attracted the support of voters from all age groups and across the political spectrum. He easily won a runoff election with 68% of the vote, and he continues to enjoy strong popularity, little diluted by lingering rumors of shady connections with organized crime figures. ¶8. (SBU) Although Borisov has repeatedly denied having presidential aspirations, and in fact seems more fixated on the bigger prize of the premiership, his impulsiveness means that his nomination would surprise few. If he did run, he would likely be nominated as an independent by an initiative committee, rather than by GERB, the political association he recently created to test the political waters. Although the mayor had announced that GERB would be registered as a party in June, he is likely waiting for the political season to heat up again in the fall to gain as much momentum as possible from GERB's official debut. In the election, Borisov would likely attract voters in Sofia and small towns, as well as those who are male, younger than 29, and with only a high school education. -------------- ...AND THE JOKER -------------- ¶9. (SBU) Bulgaria stands to lose the most from the candidacy of Volen Siderov, head of the ultra-nationalist Ataka party and perpetual social agitator. He has yet to make any public pronouncements either way, but his oversized ego and eccentricity make his candidacy a possibility. Ataka earned a surprising 9% of the vote in last year's elections, and reached a high of 15% at the beginning of 2006. The party's popularity took a significant nosedive, however, when Siderov was stripped of his MP immunity in June after trying to fantasize an April car accident into an assassination SOFIA 00001080 003.2 OF 003 attempt. Despite being under investigation for alleged perjury, Siderov may still draw a few votes from those who supported Parvanov in 2001; his appeal to many disillusioned voters has not diminished even as he has alienated more mainstream voters. Although he has lost substantial credibility in recent months, a weak showing by the traditional rightist parties, coupled with Ataka,s energized voter base, could lead to another surprise along the lines of the 2002 Le Pen-Chirac runoff in France. -------------- THE KING OF HEARTS WATCHES FROM THE SIDELINES -------------- ¶10. (SBU) The plummeting popularity of former King Simeon Saxe Coburg-Gotha in the wake of the Savoy affair (ref B) has forced the party to abandon him as its presumed presidential nominee. The party faces an urgent need to establish an independent identity in a political landscape littered with fallen heroes. To send a clear message that it is not the Socialists' obedient lapdog, NMSS has ruled out the option of joining Parvanov's backers. Although still combing the field to find a viable alternative to the king, the party is considering MPs Nikolai Svinarov and Hristina Hristova for the president and vice president positions. Svinarov is a lawyer and former Minister of Defense, while Hristova was elected last year to serve as one of Bulgaria's 18 observers in the European Parliament. Despite Hristova's recent assessment that Bulgaria is ready for a female president, no decision has been made as to whether she will be nominated for president with Svinarov as her running mate -- or vice versa. -------------- CAMPAIGN LOGISTICS -------------- ¶11. (SBU) At the behest of the BSP and its coalition partners (minus NMSS),Parliament has scheduled the presidential elections for October 22 )- the earliest date allowed by the Constitution -- and must appoint a Central Election Committee no later than 50 days before election day to supervise the process. Since at this point only Parvanov is sure to be a candidate, he stands to benefit the most from this tight schedule; any candidacies announced from now on will face the challenge of mounting a public campaign for support within a short timeframe. Observers have also noted that the date chosen by Parvanov,s backers comes around the same time as the final EU monitoring report, due to be released on September 26. Candidates must register by September 17, and the campaign begins on September 22 and ends on October 20. There is no threshold percentage of the vote that candidates must receive. If none of the candidates win over 50% of the vote, a runoff election between the two top vote-getters will be held on October 29. Amendments to the election law were passed last week by Parliament and are expected to be formally decreed by the President in the next few weeks. They will mandate the use of "integral ballot paper," which lists all candidates on one sheet, transparent ballot boxes, and a fine of 300 leva (the average Bulgarian's monthly wage) for anyone caught selling his vote. By law, the new president and vice president will take the oath of office on January 23, three days before the incumbents' terms expire. -------------- COMMENT -------------- ¶12. (SBU) In the wake of the king's dramatic fall from grace, NMSS will be focused more on staying in the game than winning the race. At this point, a contest between Parvanov and Borisov would result in a run-off election that few would be willing to predict the outcome of. Absent Borisov's participation -- which we would rate as unlikely but not inconceivable -- Parvanov will likely have enough votes to win in the first round, assuming that at least 50% of registered voters show up at the polls to fulfill legal requirements for an election to be deemed legitimate. A decisive victory by Parvanov would further stabilize the center-left coalition and increase Parvanov,s already strong behind-the-scenes influence over the government. A weak showing -- or loss -- by Parvanov would have the opposite effect, accelerating the centrifugal forces within the government. Beyrle

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