SAUDI CONSERVATIVES LAUNCH COUNTER-REFORMATION

S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 03 RIYADH 005136 SIPDIS SIPDIS NEA FOR GGRAY, AMISENHEIMER, DRL/IRF FOR JHANFORD, NSC FOR MDORNAN E.O. 12958: DECL: 06/27/2016 TAGS: PGOV SA KISL PINR PREL SUBJECT: SAUDI CONSERVATIVES LAUNCH COUNTER-REFORMATION MANIFESTO REF: A. A) JEDDAH 378 ¶B. B) RIYADH 4231 ¶C. C) RIYADH 3841 ¶D. D) RIYADH 5114. Classified By: Deputy Chief of Mission Michael Gfoeller for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d). ¶1. (S/NF) SUMMARY: Following a series of reforms seen as challenging the prominence of the religious establishment in Saudi Arabia, 61 religious scholars published an open letter, called "A Warning and a Statement," to the Kingdom's rulers. This manifesto warned the SAG against a 'gang' of people with "westernizing deviant orientation" who have been successful in influencing decision-making in the Kingdom. They describe this 'gang' as being in direct contact with and influenced by foreign embassies. They warned that this 'gang' must repent; if they do not do so, then they must be fought and killed. The scholars asked the rulers to warn the people about the 'gang's' presence, how they must resist its ideology, and that the rulers and the people must return to their true religious culture. The manifesto, released May 23, is the first from main-stream religious circles to explicitly raise the possibility of violence against advocates of reform. ¶2. (S/NF) Following the manifesto's publication, a flurry of critical opinion pieces appeared in the state-controlled news, and Minister of Interior, Prince Naif, swiftly and openly dismissed the letter. Additionally, King Abdullah, in his June 15 speech in the conservative region of al-Qassim, reaffirmed his commitment to reform and called for tolerance for fellow Muslims. It appears that the reforms of King Abdullah are starting to trigger a backlash of increasing intensity, organization and sophistication by Saudi conservatives. Full translation of text to be forthcoming in septel. END SUMMARY. Rising Opposition to Reform ¶3. (C) Since early 2006, King Abdullah's consistent reform agenda has triggered periodic, but increasing, conservative reaction. One overarching criticism of the outspoken conservatives has been, ironically, too much freedom of the press. There has been substantial progress in open media discussions surrounding women's issues, political reforms, and religious debates, and this openness apparently rattled the conservatives. Secondly, the decision of the Ministry of Labor to allow the employment of women in lingerie shops has been opposed vigorously both publicly and privately by religious conservatives. As a result, its implementation has been indefinitely delayed. (see RefA). Thirdly, the reining in of the Committee for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice (a.k.a. the 'Muttawah') by the government has triggered strong conservative opposition. The limitations on their power were seen as a key move by reformers, and a direct challenge to the Muttawah establishment. (see RefB, RefC). ¶4. (C) Prior to publication of the manifesto, Friday sermons throughout the month of May targeted democracy, claiming that it was contrary to the fundamental teachings of Islam because it called for the rule of people, and therefore not the rule of Allah. Furthermore, they claimed that democracy promotes freedom of women, which leads to sexual promiscuity, usury and other forbidden activities. Imams preached that the westernization of Saudi society will make people become non-believers, and this 'mob' of ignorant non-believers will distract society from the path of Allah. This theme of sermons continued throughout the month, but in recent weeks, following the publication of the letter and its denunciation by senior members of the Royal Family, the sermons have decreased in their harsh rhetoric and have focused on summer vacations and the problems of traveling abroad. ¶5. (C) Utilizing open letters or "petitions" as a channel to the SAG has been in practice since 1992, and has been utilized by reformers and extremists alike, calling attention to their causes and for changes in the society. The years 2003 and 2004 provoked the largest number of open letters from the public, but 2006 is heating up with 2 statements of increasing intensity within the same month. ¶6. (C) This year's first conservative statement was published May 2. It was prompted by the Annual Riyadh Book RIYADH 00005136 002 OF 003 Fair in March, which allowed the display of many books that were previously banned, including a notorious book called "the Girls of Riyadh," and the Ministry of Education's appointment of more liberal literary club heads in the provinces. The conservative religious community was displeased by movement toward cultural reform and published a general statement expressing discontent. This statement was signed by over 130 religious scholars, mostly academics from universities. It specifically criticized reforms concerning the rights of women and freedom of the press. However, this statement did not call for violence against those seen as undermining Islamic values. Counter-Reformation Manifesto Issued May 23 ¶7. (C) Issued May 23 on www.islamlight.net, the "Warning and Statement" was the first of its kind to explicitly raise the possibility of violence against those in the Kingdom who transgress the ways of Islam. The rhetoric in this statement was sophisticated. Its style was charismatic and persuasive. Extensive Q'uranic quotations raised the intellectual level of the manifesto and suggested a maturing of the movement opposed to King Abdullah's reforms. ¶8. (C) The letter claimed that recent reforms on women's rights, media freedoms, appointments of secular figures to key government positions, and limitations on the power of the Muttawah contradict traditional Islam and Shari'a law, and thus promote immorality and the destruction of society. The letter states, "It is our duty stemming from the orders of our religion to pay advice and consultation to the rulers. We warn the nation of a group known for its westernizing, deviant orientation, which was able to influence decision making in the country and take over key departments, and which has great effects on the society and its identity. This gang has become an eye and ear and tool for this foreign enemy using its support and executing its plans." ¶9. (C) The letter proceeded to list seven specific points detailing the signatories' concerns. The sixth point specifically attacked the work of foreign embassies in the Kingdom, blaming them for the ills befalling their society: "They (the 'gang') have contacts with foreign embassies and foreign media agencies. They correspond with them and send them reports about curricula and women and defame scholars and describe them as encouraging terrorism. They exploit the sensitivity of the country to foreign criticism. They place these reports in the foreign media to threaten the country and its rulers from continuing the Islamic lifestyle. Their ways are overt and very clear and everybody in our society is aware of the danger of the practices of this gang." ¶10. (C) In the seventh point, the letter called for reformers to repent or face violence. "With no mentioning of their names, we will just give some of their descriptions, some writers and poets, their writings call for secularism and atheism, and some who have established satellite channels just to destroy ethics, some are newspaper editors and seniors, some are officials, and some are officials who support this gang from behind the scenes. This is the gang of liars in our country, you have to fight and kill them if they do not leave the path of the devil and stop dealing with the enemies of God." ¶11. (C) The May 2 statement prompted by the Riyadh Book Fair was signed by 130 religious notables. The May 23 manifesto has 61 signatures. Over one dozen individuals signed both statements. The May 23 manifesto was signed by judges, doctors, and engineers as well as university professors and religious scholars. Some had been active in the Islamic Awakening movement of the early 1990s. Some had signed the 1992 "Memorandum of Advice" to the King. Many risked their government jobs by signing a document openly advocating violence. SAG Response: No Backsliding on Our Path to Reform ¶12. (C) The major Arabic-language newspapers in the Kingdom, which are largely state-controlled, refuted the statement heartily. While supporting the right to publish such statements as freedom of expression, they expressed RIYADH 00005136 003 OF 003 unilateral opposition to the call for violence it contained. One editorial compared this statement to past statements by Osama bin Laden, worrying that declarations such as this can provoke action by 'zealous youth' in the society. The editorials tackled the important issues of reform, freedom of speech, and the role of Islam in the Kingdom, while expressing deep concern for the recent wave of anti-reform statements. ¶13. (C) Following these editorials, Prince Naif, in an interview with Okaz newspaper on May 29, gave the following statement, which openly dismissed the manifesto, stating that "if they (the authors) are true scholars of religion they should be the first to know that the Kingdom rules according to Shari'a in every small and big matter." King Abdullah's speech on June 15 in the conservative province of al-Qassim reiterated the need to avoid factionalizing Saudi society. Indeed, our sources indicate that the King picked al-Qassim precisely because it is the center of opposition to his reforms. (see RefD). Comment: Counter-Reformation Threatens SAG Progress ¶14. (S/NF) With the publication of two open letters of increasing energy and rhetoric in May, the Saudi conservatives are making their increased confidence and presence felt. With each reform effort made, particularly in regard to issues that challenge conservative religious orthodoxy, such as women's rights, freedom of religion and democracy, the Saudi conservatives are becoming more agitated and belligerent. The May 23 manifesto serves not just as a warning to the SAG, the so-called immoral elements in society, and foreign embassies, but it also serves as a warning to the international community that the conservatives will not stand on the sidelines while King Abdullah's reforms are implemented. They have used sophisticated religious rhetoric to gain readership and strength and reactivated old regime critics from the original Islamic awakening in the early 1990s. As they invigorate their well-organized and intellectually coherent movement, they have challenged the SAG's reform program. In essence, Saudi conservatives have nailed their theses to the door of the House of Saud. This situation once again demonstrates the balancing role that the al-Saud play between the liberal and conservative elements of society and the serious political risks they run in implementing reforms. Moreover, the May 23 manifesto makes it strikingly evident that reform in Saudi Arabia will receive public support only if it is viewed by the broad public as consonant with Islamic values and home grown rather than imposed from abroad. END COMMENT. OBERWETTER