Identifier
Created
Classification
Origin
06RANGOON516
2006-04-24 00:31:00
SECRET
Embassy Rangoon
Cable title:  

FORMER STUDENT LEADER STAYS THE COURSE

Tags:  PGOV PHUM PREL BM 
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INFO RUCNASE/ASEAN MEMBER COLLECTIVE
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RUEHBY/AMEMBASSY CANBERRA 9593
RUEHKA/AMEMBASSY DHAKA 4111
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RUDKIA/AMCONSUL CHIANG MAI 0344
RHHMUNA/CDR USPACOM HONOLULU HI
RUEHGV/USMISSION GENEVA 2634
RHEHNSC/NSC WASHDC
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 0276
RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC
RUEHBS/USEU BRUSSELS
RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDC
S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 03 RANGOON 000516 

SIPDIS

SIPDIS

STATE FOR EAP/MLS; PACOM FOR FPA

E.O. 12958: DECL: 04/06/2016
TAGS: PGOV PHUM PREL BM
SUBJECT: FORMER STUDENT LEADER STAYS THE COURSE

REF: A. RANGOON 506


B. RANGOON 384

C. RANGOON 87

RANGOON 00000516 001.2 OF 003


Classified By: CDA Shari Villarosa for Reasons 1.4 (b,d)

S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 03 RANGOON 000516 SIPDIS SIPDIS STATE FOR EAP/MLS; PACOM FOR FPA E.O. 12958: DECL: 04/06/2016 TAGS: PGOV PHUM PREL BM SUBJECT: FORMER STUDENT LEADER STAYS THE COURSE REF: A. RANGOON 506 ¶B. RANGOON 384 ¶C. RANGOON 87 RANGOON 00000516 001.2 OF 003 Classified By: CDA Shari Villarosa for Reasons 1.4 (b,d) ¶1. (C) Summary: Min Ko Naing--former pro-democracy student leader, political prisoner, and current activist--is struggling with the challenges of readjusting to life outside of solitary confinement and the pressures of meeting the expectations of his many followers and supporters. As in 1988, he remains a reluctant leader, but offers vision and moderation to efforts to achieve political change. Unlike others in the opposition, he does not focus on petty differences that frequently divide many activists, but rather builds unity against the military regime. He appreciates U.S. support and has ideas on how we can further assist. End Summary. ¶2. (S) On April 21, Charge and P/E Chief met with Min Ko Naing, a student leader of the 1988 pro-democracy uprising and current political activist. Released from prison in late 2004, he spent over 15 years in the regime's prison gulag, most of it in solitary confinement. Although he enjoys some freedom of movement, he described our meeting in the back room of a local restaurant as "top secret" and indicated that he would face repercussions if authorities became aware he had met with U.S. diplomats. He said that GOB monitoring of his activities had diminished in recent months, but he added that the Chief of Police had issued orders to arrest him and other former student leaders if they do anything to "step out of line." When asked if the GOB would blame them, however, for a spate of bombings in Rangoon on April 20 (ref A),he said he doubted authorities would do so. THE HARD ROAD BACK FROM LIFE IN THE GULAG ¶3. (C) Min Ko Naing dismissed exile reports that he has serious physical health problems. The 43 year-old activist no longer has the eye and heart ailments that he dealt with for several months following his release from prison. He confided, however, that he suffers from serious neurological issues that have caused severe headaches and hypertension. He receives treatment from a sympathetic neurologist, but said that prescription drugs cause dizziness and a dulling sensation. He also admitted shame that he could not pay the doctor. He claimed to be
"too busy" with pressing political matters to deal with the side effects of hospital medication, so he therefore prefers to use traditional, less invasive medicines. ¶4. (C) Min Ko Naing also acknowledged that he suffers from severe stress. Pro-democracy activists have high expectations that he will take on the leadership role that he reluctantly assumed in 1988, and many former political prisoners come to him seeking advice and financial support. "Sometimes, I just want to live an ordinary life," he sighed. ¶5. (C) Expanding on the needs of former political prisoners (ref C),Min Ko Naing said that they need financial assistance to obtain the health and education benefits that the regime denies them. He also added that prisoner families needed assistance for transportation expenses and medicine to support current political detainees. The Charge said she would propose during her Washington consultations in June the creation of a support mechanism to provide medical assistance and reading rooms to reach former prisoners uncomfortable coming to the American Center. Min Ko Naing expressed keen interest in such programs and offered to facilitate identifying appropriate intermediaries to ensure a low profile that did not invite regime scrutiny. RANGOON 00000516 002.2 OF 003 COLLECTIVE POWER.... ¶6. (C) Despite Min Ko Naing's admission that his personal life has been difficult in recent months, he was eager to talk about political developments. He described himself and other former student leaders as "activists who have joined together to establish an important opposition network." Yet, he would not respond directly to several questions regarding regime restrictions on political activities in general or on his own efforts. ¶7. (C) Min Ko Naing rejected exile descriptions of the former student leaders as a "Third Force" alternative to the regime and to the opposition political parties. "To the contrary," he said, "we former students recognize that the NLD won the 1990 elections, and we will do our part to try and keep the regime from shutting down the party." He nonetheless described the NLD as a symbolic structure and not a movement. "They have their party billboard and headquarters," he said, "but the former students have collective, activist power and that is the basis for the opposition movement." ¶8. (C) Min Ko Naing acknowledged that various factions and splinter groups have emerged from among the 1988 student activists. He insisted that they were united, however, on matters of substance. "We have different ways of thinking," he said, "but we all agree on the fundamentals, especially human rights." He described an "Arrest Me" pledge that former political prisoners had taken. If the authorities detain any of the activists, the remaining members of their movement promise to go to police stations and demand that the regime also arrest them as well. ....BUT CONTROL INFORMATION ¶9. (C) Min Ko Naing said that he heard that the American Center had recently hosted a seminar on non-violent political change. He expressed concern that the presenter had reportedly "gone beyond the theoretical" and advised participants to take direct actions, resulting in several activists apparently pursuing various independent acts of disobedience. Min Ko Naing suggested that the Center apprise him of upcoming programs so that he and other leaders could hand-pick participants in order to avoid "spreading the wrong messages." ¶10. (C) The Charge responded that we did not like to restrict information, instead preferring to make more information available. She said that inevitably participants draw different conclusions from political discussions. She welcomed Min Ko Naing's advice on topics he thought too controversial, but added that the American Center should be open to a wide range of participants to discuss participatory democracy and demonstrate the concepts of freedom of speech and dissent in a safe setting. NEXT STEPS ¶11. (C) Min Ko Naing raised the U.S. Congress's imminent annual review of Burma sanctions. He said that while the economic impact of sanctions could not be quantified, the measures had "an important moral impact" and should continue. Alluding to various exile press reports, he stated that he was "not anti-sanctions," but rather an advocate of a carrot and stick approach to dealing with the SPDC. "You should respond to positive steps with a corresponding easing of sanctions," he urged. The Charge expressed confidence that sanctions would be renewed. ¶12. (C) Min Ko Naing thanked the Charge for U.S. support on Burma and also encouraged: further action at the UN Security Council; efforts to convince China to exert its influence on RANGOON 00000516 003.2 OF 003 the regime; and steps to secure an effective Special Envoy. He said that he maintained regular contact with exile groups on the Thai border and elsewhere and would continue to encourage them to lobby for support of the NLD and the party's efforts to achieve a meaningful dialogue. ¶13. (C) He added that his nascent organization, the 88 Students Generation, would also support exile media campaign efforts aimed at countering SPDC propaganda. "There is considerable sympathy among the general population for our efforts," he said. "It is a myth that Buddhists must accept their fate and live as subjects under a military regime; the Buddha actually encouraged us to actively pursue efforts to improve our current situation." ¶14. (C) The Charge told Min Ko Naing that growing international consensus on the need for reform in Burma had narrowed those willing to defend the SPDC. She noted that China was coming to the realization that the SPDC did not offer long-term stability and most ASEAN countries were fed up with the regime's antics. She observed that the efforts of Min Ko Naing and others to develop a unified approach among the democratic opposition would strengthen the prospects for change in Burma. COMMENT: HISTORY REPEATS ITSELF ¶15. (C) Min Ko Naing paid dearly for his leading role in the 1988 uprising and suffered perhaps more than most political prisoners. He continues to struggle with the challenges of readjusting to life outside of solitary confinement and the pressures of meeting expectations of his many followers and supporters. Although he was a reluctant leader in 1988, he emerged during the chaos and confusion as a principled and courageous champion of individual rights and freedom. History is repeating itself. He does not aspire to lead the opposition movement, and yet very few other Burmese activists offer his vision and moderation in their pursuit of political change. He, therefore, will risk returning to the nightmares of the Burmese prison gulag, and stay engaged. He greatly appreciates U.S. support and wants to work with us. His inclination to control information going to others, however, shows the challenges we face in building good understanding of an open democracy in a closed society. End Comment. VILLAROSA

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