MIN KO NAING TRIES TO UNIFY BURMA'S OPPOSITION

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 RANGOON 001077 SIPDIS SIPDIS STATE FOR EAP/MLS; PACOM FOR FPA E.O. 12958: DECL: 07/30/2016 TAGS: PGOV PHUM PREL BM SUBJECT: MIN KO NAING TRIES TO UNIFY BURMA'S OPPOSITION REF: A. RANGOON 1036 ¶B. RANGOON 752 ¶C. RANGOON 738 ¶D. RANGOON 516 RANGOON 00001077 001.2 OF 002 Classified By: P/E Chief Leslie Hayden for Reasons 1.4 (b) and (d) ¶1. (C) SUMMARY: Min Ko Naing, former political prisoner and leader of the "88 Generation Students," used the July 19 Martyrs' Day holiday to show support for the NLD in an ongoing effort to mend the fractured relationship between the NLD and student groups. Min Ko Naing is taking on a more activist role in the opposition movement. In an environment where most pro-democracy groups tend to splinter rather than compromise, Min Ko Naing appears to be emerging as a unifier and leader. END SUMMARY. ¶2. (SBU) "88 Generation Students" leader Min Ko Naing used the July 19 anniversary of the assassination of General Aung San, hero of Burma's independence movement and father of ASSK, to continue efforts to mend fences between student groups and the NLD. For the first time, approximately 21 of the most active "88 Generation Students" participated in NLD organized Martyrs' Day events, demonstrating Min Ko Naing's ability to bring together fractured pro-democracy groups. ¶3. (SBU) In coordination with Min Ko Naing, prominent 88 student leaders Ko Ko Gyi and Htay Kway led a march to NLD Headquarters where Ko Ko Gyi spoke to an audience of approximately 500 NLD members, Committee Representing the People's Parliament (CRPP) representatives, Shan and Chin ethnic leaders, members of the Veteran Politicians Group, journalists, diplomats and the ever present SPDC informers. Ko Ko Gyi's speech emphasized the importance of non-violence in the pro-democracy movement and lamented the absence of a real dialogue with the regime. ¶4. (SBU) Ominously, the regime chose the occasion to officially acknowledge the existence of the "People's Force", a group of citizen volunteers trained in riot control techniques and armed with bamboo sticks. The People's Force wore identifiable armbands and were deployed around NLD Headquarters and the Martyrs' Mausoleum. Unlike the People's Militia that supports the military in rural areas and is often cited for human rights violations, according to Burmese observers this urban version reports to local SPDC authorities and focuses on the surveillance of suspected political activists. The Force first made its debut at the time of the November 1996 attack against ASSK, but have kept a low profile until their recent appearance on Martyrs' Day. ¶5. (C) Amidst the heightened security, Min Ko Naing led about 40 student activists and 10 NLD Youth members on a pilgrimage to General Aung Saung's Mausoleum, the first time NLD Youth members freely joined a non-NLD activity. Additionally, over 200 former NLD members who had been expelled from the party after the 2003 attack on ASSK because of differences with party leadership over strategy, waited outside the Headquarters hoping to join the march. Fearing a large group would provoke a violent response from the authorities, Min Ko Naing began his march from a point beyond the view of NLD Headquarters so the former NLD members could not join but not be snubbed. ¶6. (SBU) At the Mausoleum's security gate, Special Branch police officers refused the marchers' request to enter as a group and conducted lengthy security checks before allowing only five visitors at a time to enter the mausoleum compound. Those wearing T-shirts with photos of General Aung San or RANGOON 00001077 002.2 OF 002 dress associated with the Burmese struggle against colonialism were not allowed to enter. The participants laid flowers, saluted in the direction of the Mausoleum, and marched down the hill to NLD Headquarters together. ¶7. (C) In a recent conversation with PolIntern and PolFSN, Min Ko Naing shared his off-the-record thoughts on the current rift within the NLD between the "Uncles," who see their role as caretakers until ASSK is released, and those who want the NLD to more actively oppose the regime. Min Ko Naing expressed sympathy for those who want to see a more proactive NLD and sometimes acts as a "go-between" for the two groups. In his view, the NLD "Uncles" wasted an opportunity to speak out publicly against the recent photo campaign under which urban households were ordered to pay for family photos for display at the request of the authorities (ref B). Min Ko Naing believes the NLD could publicly oppose such policies without jeopardizing their legal status. ¶8. (C) While Min Ko Naing insists he wants to maintain a low profile, his participation in the pro-democracy movement continues to increase. He is currently focused on organizing and instilling discipline in the members of his 88 Students' Generation group, supporting tuition-free primary schools (ref A),and spearheading his two-year-old human rights network, Human Rights Vanguard. According to the network's core members, Human Rights Vanguard has a presence in 14 of Burma's 17 states and districts, with strongest participation in Mandalay, Rangoon, Bago, and Irrawaddy Districts. The organization focuses on human rights education, corroborating and documenting human rights abuses, and obtaining legal counsel for those targeted by the regime. At Min Ko Naing's request, the Embassy's American Center has provided information on human rights for members of the network. He and Ko Ko Gyi also build support among the wide audience listening to shortwave broadcasts through regular interviews with the broadcast services. Min Ko Naing acknowledges that his increased activities attract attention from the regime since he is under constant surveillance. ¶9. (C) Min Ko Naing also expressed concern over comments advocating "constructive engagement" at the recent International Burma Studies Conference in Singapore. Those who want the NLD and student activists to compromise with the regime and join the SPDC's Road Map to Democracy have forgotten, he said, that it was the NLD who was given the public mandate after the 1990 election. This cannot be dismissed or pushed aside. While Min Ko Naing did not express strong feelings about sanctions, he pointed out that international action must be taken in the face of the regime's massive human rights violations, and that sanctions are one type of action. ¶10. (C) COMMENT: In an environment where most pro-democracy groups tend to splinter rather than compromise, Min Ko Naing appears to be emerging as a unifying figure. He has retained a loyal following among student activists both inside Burma and those who left the country. His fifteen years in prison have enhanced rather than diminished his stature. At the same time, he has avoided the petty fights and arguments that have tarnished other reputations and driven so many Burmese democracy groups apart. That Min Ko Naing is willing to mend fences between student activists and the NLD, while also smoothing internal NLD rifts, shows the sort of leadership abilities that is sorely needed in Burma. END COMMENT. VILLAROSA