CAMBODIA: FUNCINPEC'S ONGOING STRUGGLES

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 PHNOM PENH 000585

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STATE FOR EAP/MLS; GENEVA FOR RMA

E.O. 12958: DECL: 03/24/2019
TAGS: PGOV PREL KDEM PHUM CB
SUBJECT: CAMBODIA: FUNCINPEC'S ONGOING STRUGGLES

Classified By: PolOff Brent Soderborg, Reason 1.4 (b) and (d)


1. (C) Summary. Senior FUNCINPEC official Serey Kosal told
us March 23 about the reasons for Ranariddh's resignation
from the National Assembly presidency, the struggle within
the party to designate candidates for government positions,
CPP's role in undermining the royalists, and actions that
might allow FUNCINPEC to bolster its position. Former King
Sihanouk is aware of the party's ills, has been in contact
with Ranariddh in Paris, but is unlikely to play a
high-profile role in working out the party's organizational
problems. (Since the discussion, PM Hun Sen has dismissed
three FUNCINPEC governors, before Ranariddh could act to
discipline them himself.) Recent events confirm FUNCINPEC's
continued disarray and the opposition's enthusiasm to see its
former ally's demise. Nevertheless, we think it likely
FUNCINPEC will limp on in a weakened state, if for no other
reason because the CPP has an interest in maintaining an
alternative to Sam Rainsy's opposition party. End Summary.

Why Ranariddh Resigned from the NA
--------------


2. (C) Serey Kosal, senior FUNCINPEC official and Senior
Minister in the RGC, met with DCM, Pol/Econ Chief, and PolOff
on March 23 to discuss the problems facing the royal party.
Kosal started off by saying he was saddened by the problems
he sees in all three political parties, including FUNCINPEC.
He said there will be more developments affecting FUNCINPEC's
internal affairs, FUNCINPEC's relations with the CPP, and
FUNCINPEC's stability in the future.


3. (C) According to Kosal, Ranariddh had no choice but to
resign as president of the National Assembly. Kosal then
listed the well-known list of issues discussed in the media
and with other FUNCINPEC sources: CPP's breach of the
parties' agreement not to interfere in each other's affairs,
Hun Sen's rejection of Ranariddh's proposals to reshuffle
FUNCINPEC cabinet ministers, removal of poorly performing
provincial-level officials, and rejection of the proposal to
create a Ministry of Immigration. With the 50 percent plus
one formula having passed the National Assembly, Kosal said
that Ranariddh knew he could be removed from his post, so it
was better for him to resign. Kosal reiterated Ranariddh's
desire to work with FUNCINPEC supporters at the grassroots
level.


4. (C) Prior to Ranariddh's resignation, Kosal mentioned
there was also rumor that FUNCINPEC and the SRP planned to
join forces with the Chea Sim/Sar Kheng faction of the CPP to
oppose Hun Sen. In response, Hun Sen allowed Sam Rainsy to
return and began interfering in FUNCINPEC's internal affairs
through Nhek Bun Chhay and others within the party close to
the CPP. DCM asked if it was true that Nhek Bun Chhay had
assisted Hun Sen in resisting a 1994 attempt within the CPP
-- and with the connivance of Prince Norodom Chakrapong -- to
remove him from the leadership, and Kosal confirmed that this
was true.

Senior Royals Denied Positions
--------------


5. (C) Kosal said Prince Norodom Sirivudh, who resigned as
acting FUNCINPEC leader on March 21 and currently holds no
government position, never had any real power as Co-Minister
of Interior and Deputy Prime Minister. He allowed that
Sirivudh appointed FUNCINPEC people to positions, but the CPP
ensured they had no real work and often lacked office space.
The CPP had tried to engineer Sirivudh's ouster earlier, but
with the National Assembly's two-thirds requirement prevented
the CPP from succeeding as FUNCINPEC MPs would not agree.


6. (C) Ranariddh's proposal to have Prince Norodom
Chakrapong replace Sirivudh as FUNCINPEC Secretary General
(SG) was not popular within the party. Ranariddh wanted
Chakrapong in that position because the latter understood the
CPP, had experience, and Ranariddh believed Chakrapong would
remain loyal to FUNCINPEC, despite his checkered political
history. Every other attempt to nominate Sirivudh or
Chakrapong for a government position met with CPP resistance.


7. (C) Calling from France, Ranariddh proposed to Sirivudh
that You Hockry become the new FUNCINPEC Secretary General.
Kosal said that Sirivudh then played a dangerous game,
because instead of calling You Hockry and telling him
directly, Sirivudh passed the instructions to Nhek Bun Chhay.
Nhek Bun Chhay immediately alerted Hun Sen, and then called
You Hockry, demanding to know why You Hockry was challenging
him for the position. Hun Sen also called You Hockry,

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according to Kosal, and said that You Hockry had to choose
between the Second Vice President of the National Assembly
and the party Secretary General positions, that the CPP would
not support his bid for the former if he continued to press
for the latter. You Hockry said he wanted the National
Assembly post more, so Hun Sen told him to drop his bid for
secretary general. Ranariddh then decided to appoint Nhek

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Bun Chhay as SG to please Hun Sen, said Kosal, who worried
that FUNCINPEC was beginning to look more like the CPP.


8. (C) Kosal said that Nhek Bun Chhay only has the support
of about half of the party; Chakrapong actually has more
internal party support, he noted. Nhek Bun Chhay is accepted
as SG because party officials want to see if he can smooth
issues between FUNCINPEC and the CPP. As a check on CPP
influence through Nhek Bun Chhay, Kosal said Ranariddh has
tasked Kosal to develop a list of nominees for deputy
secretary general and a nine-member permanent committee

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comprised of loyalists to Ranariddh. Kosal said he thinks he
is the only one in FUNCINPEC that Ranariddh really trusts.

It's 1993 All Over Again
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9. (C) Ranariddh plans to reshuffle provincial officials
that represent a political liability to the party. If Hun
Sen refuses, FUNCINPEC will go public with the information to
embarrass the CPP. FUNCINPEC is also prepared to walk out of
the coalition government if Hun Sen continues to be
obstructionist. Kosal said that CPP's majority in the
National Assembly and newfound operating space harks back to
1993 before UNTAC's arrival: Hun Sen was the PM, Chea Sim
was Senate President, Heng Samrin headed the National
Assembly, Sar Kheng was Minister of Interior, Tea Banh was
Minister of Defense, and other CPP officials hold the exact
same position they had in 1993. FUNCINPEC is trying to be
patient and avoid walking out of the government and the
National Assembly, but they are prepared to do so if
conditions deteriorate. Kosal said that FUNCINPEC and the
SRP need to work together to resolve the current situation;
otherwise, both parties will die.


10. (C) Ranariddh will return to Cambodia on April 2, and
Kosal has implored the Prince to stay in Cambodia and assume
a stronger leadership role. Kosal wants Ranariddh to talk to
Hun Sen directly, to cut out the people under Hun Sen.
(Note: Kem Sokha told us the same day that Ranariddh had
indeed spoken with the PM on the 23rd, but we have no
independent confirmation. End Note.)


11. (C) Pol/Econ Chief asked Kosal what Sihanouk thinks of
recent developments. Kosal replied that Sihanouk had told
Chakrapong to give up the SG position for the sake of the
image of the royal family. Kosal noted that Princess Bopha
Devi and Prince Thomico are good examples of royals. He also
said that Thomico may be groomed to become FUNCINPEC's next
party leader. DCM followed up, asking if Sihanouk would
actually intervene and try to help the party. Kosal
responded that the King Father will not lower himself into
the fray over the party's internal organizational problems.
Sihanouk reportedly is in communication with Ranariddh in
Paris, but Kosal does not know what has been said between the
two.

Comment
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12. (C) Kosal's discussion does nothing to dispel notions
that FUNCINPEC is imploding and that the CPP is exerting
ever-increasing pressure on the royalist party. Public
bickering and disagreements between party members only
provide ammunition to those speculating that the royalist
party is on the ropes. If FUNCINPEC is to remain relevant in
Cambodian politics it must get its internal affairs in order
and present a united front -- something that does not appear
to be in the cards anytime soon. What is disturbing is that
the SRP is on the sidelines, cheering on FUNCINPEC's
problems, just as FUNCINPEC did nothing to assist the SRP
when Hun Sen was attacking the opposition during 2005. Both
parties believe they would be beneficiaries of the other's
demise; unfortunately, neither party leader trusts the other
enough to overcome past differences and work together to
achieve the reforms needed within the Cambodian government.
End Comment.
Mussomeli