Identifier
Created
Classification
Origin
06PARIS5414
2006-08-10 13:42:00
UNCLASSIFIED
Embassy Paris
Cable title:
PRESIDENT CHIRAC'S AUGUST 9 REMARKS ON LEBANON
VZCZCXRO6888 OO RUEHAG RUEHBC RUEHBZ RUEHDE RUEHDF RUEHIK RUEHKUK RUEHLZ DE RUEHFR #5414/01 2221342 ZNR UUUUU ZZH O 101342Z AUG 06 FM AMEMBASSY PARIS TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 0267 INFO RUEHEE/ARAB LEAGUE COLLECTIVE IMMEDIATE RUCNMEM/EU MEMBER STATES IMMEDIATE RUEHGG/UN SECURITY COUNCIL COLLECTIVE IMMEDIATE
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 04 PARIS 005414
SIPDIS
SIPDIS
E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: PREL AEMR MARR CASC LE KHLS FR
SUBJECT: PRESIDENT CHIRAC'S AUGUST 9 REMARKS ON LEBANON
REF: A. PARIS POINTS AUGUST 9
B. PARIS POINTS AUGUST 10
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 04 PARIS 005414
SIPDIS
SIPDIS
E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: PREL AEMR MARR CASC LE KHLS FR
SUBJECT: PRESIDENT CHIRAC'S AUGUST 9 REMARKS ON LEBANON
REF: A. PARIS POINTS AUGUST 9
B. PARIS POINTS AUGUST 10
1. President Chirac chaired an extraordinary meeting of
concerned Ministers on Lebanon August 9 in Toulon, France
(near which Chirac is vacationing). Prime Minister Dominique
de Villepin, Minister of Foreign Affairs Philippe
Douste-Blazy, and Minister of Defense Michle Alliot-Marie
were all present. Following the meeting, Chirac made a
statement to the media and answered several questions.
Chirac's comments were widely carried in local media.
Complete English text of speech follows post's summary, below.
2. (U) SUMMARY OF REMARKS: In his statement, President Chirac
reconfirmed the fundamentals of France's position: A
cessation of hostilities must be achieved as soon as
possible, followed by a political agreement, which would
provide the basis for the dispatch of an international force.
Declining to provide specifics or exact timing, Chirac
stated that France would participate in such a force -- if it
were equipped with the right mandate and represented a "fair"
composition of force contributors. The U.S.-French draft
resolution should be considered a "working basis" for
continuing efforts in New York. Those discussions have taken
into account the Lebanese and Israeli reactions, and now must
factor in the Lebanese cabinet's unanimous decision to deploy
15,000 troops to the south, which Chirac saluted. The entire
effort, he emphasized, was to enable Lebanon to exercise its
sovereignty over the entirety of its territory and to address
Israel's security needs. Responding to questions, Chirac
stated that, despite "American reservations" about certain
Lebanese demands, he could not imagine the U.S. and France
not reaching agreement because to do so would constitute an
"immoral" path. In response to a specific question on a
possible US/France impasse over the text, Chirac said that in
such a case the UNSC would debate the issue with each country
affirming its position, including France "through her own
resolution". Chirac took the occasion to adamantly confirm
that the U.S. and France were working closely and remained in
"permanent contact."
3. (U) Responding to reporters' questions, Chirac noted that
Iran was an important power in the region. It therefore made
sense to consult with Tehran, or at least have contact with
it. Syria, however, is a different story. Chirac recalled
that Spanish Foreign Minister Moratinos' statement concerning
Syria's interest in playing a constructive role had been
disavowed by President Asad the day after Moratinos left
Damascus. That did not bode well, but Syria will have a
chance to cooperate, in the context of demarcation of borders
with Lebanon -- and the UN investigation of Rafik Hariri's
assassination. END SUMMARY
4. (U) MFA Official English text of French President Chirac's
remarks following a meeting of concerned ministers on
Lebanon, August 9, 2006.
PRESIDENT CHIRAC: I wanted today to take stock with the Prime
Minister and defence and foreign ministers of the situation
in Lebanon and northern Israel. Sadly, for several weeks,
we've been witnessing in this region a tragic spiral of death
and suffering together with countless acts of destruction.
Every day brings fresh horrors and reinforces the feeling of
incomprehension and distress among the civilians.
In Lebanon, the basic infrastructures are all but totally
destroyed and a million displaced people have lost
everything. In Israel, people are suffering thousands of
rocket attacks by Hezbollah.
In the face of this crisis which is threatening the stability
of a whole region, France immediately mobilized, with two
priorities:
- first, of course, to come to the aid of the stricken
civilians and allow those of our compatriots living in
Lebanon who wished to do so to come back to France. We did
this by establishing sea and air links, which have enabled
more than 10,000 French women and men to return to our
country and also benefited a good many Lebanese who wanted to
leave Lebanon. These arrangements are, moreover, still in
place today and will remain so. We did this too by mounting a
major humanitarian aid operation.
- at the same time, we deployed all our efforts to get a
ceasefire and a sustainable resolution to this tragic crisis.
As France has affirmed from the outset, nothing will be
resolved by force; any solution must come through a political
agreement.
This is why I asked first the Prime Minister and then the
Foreign Minister, who went three times to the region, to
listen to our partners and present our proposals. France has
made active efforts at the Security Council to get the
international community to find a solution to this crisis
under United Nations auspices. I repeat, only dialogue can
restore peace and security in the region.
PARIS 00005414 002 OF 004
The settlement we're working on today has, to my mind, to
respect a twin imperative:
- restoration of Lebanon's sovereignty over the whole of her
territory; this is essential for the Lebanese;
- and, of course, Israel's right to security.
So we have envisaged, through a draft Security Council
resolution, a two-phase mechanism which offers the two
parties the necessary political and security guarantees.
- the first phase consists of a complete and immediate
cessation of hostilities, in any case, as soon as possible,
since the people are enduring tragic suffering. On this
basis, we have to establish the principles and elements of a
permanent ceasefire and a long-term political solution, which
has the agreement of both parties and bears in particular on
the delineation of the border, including the Shebaa farms,
the abducted Israeli soldiers and Lebanese prisoners.
Once these conditions have been met, we'll move on to the
second phase consisting of the deployment of an international
force. This force's mandate will be defined on the basis of a
political commitment by the two parties, verified by the
United Nations. France will decide on her participation in
this force depending on the mandate given to it and a fair
sharing of its constituent contingents between the countries
contributing to it.
The draft Security Council resolution on which we came to an
agreement with the United States is a working basis. Israel
and Lebanon have reacted, and we have to take account of
these reactions and, in particular, of Lebanon's interests,
of her stability, unity, sovereignty and independence.
The Lebanese government yesterday proposed deploying 15,000
soldiers of her armed forces in southern Lebanon. I note that
the government took this decision unanimously and we salute
it, since it should allow the Lebanese government to exercise
its sovereignty throughout its territory. There's no free and
independent State which doesn't exercise its sovereignty over
the whole of its territory.
We have taken account of this major development in the
proposals we're making in New York, in particular, in order
to achieve a Security Council resolution as soon as possible.
Our objective is to get a cessation of hostilities so that, I
repeat, there's an end to the succession of deaths, suffering
and destruction. This is our absolute priority.
QUESTION: This morning we've learned that there's deadlock in
the negotiations between the Americans and French on
accepting the amendments the Lebanese had asked for in the
resolution. We get the feeling that the Americans and
Israelis are playing for time in order to pursue the
fighting, the bombing you've described. What's France going
to do if the fighting continues, if the Americans don't
accept the French arguments for Lebanon's amendments?
PRESIDENT CHIRAC: The Lebanese government, which had made a
proposal in the form of seven points, including several
important ones, concerning Israel's withdrawal from its
territory, the prisoners, and also the Shebaa farms, is
entitled to defend Lebanon's position, a position of a State
which wants its independence and stability.
Let me add that the Arab League has approved and supports
this position, as its three representatives, including the
Secretary-General, affirmed when they went yesterday to New
SIPDIS
York, after the League's meeting in Beirut two days ago.
Given this, I think it's normal for us to take into
consideration the solutions which are being envisaged,
particularly by the parties to the conflict. We have to take
these into account and it's why, on the basis formed by
France and the United States' agreement on a draft
resolution, we've asked for this draft to take on board a
number of these requests.
Indeed, there seem to be American reservations about adopting
this draft. I don't want to think of there not being a
solution, since that would mean - which would be the most
immoral of solutions - us accepting the present situation and
giving up on the immediate ceasefire. So I don't want to
think of the Americans or anyone else doing that.
So we're going to see. If we arrive at a solution in line
with the principles I reiterated just now - those of
humanity, political, peaceful principles - so much the
better. If we don't, obviously we'll have a debate at the
Security Council and everyone will clearly state their
positions there, including, of course, France, through her
own resolution.
QUESTION: Have you set a timetable for this?
PRESIDENT CHIRAC: I don't even want to talk about the idea of
a timetable, because that would mean that we think the
ceasefire, cessation of hostilities can be delayed. I don't
want to think about the possibility of basing a policy on
delaying the cessation of hostilities, especially in a
country which has suffered the destruction, loss of life,
injuries and displacement of people I was talking about just
now.
I think, in reality, that we have to state clearly the
necessity of an immediate cessation of hostilities, it's the
PARIS 00005414 003 OF 004
United Nations' responsibility to affirm it. We must then
very quickly achieve a political agreement which presupposes
the two parties' agreement, so that they each find in it the
guarantees they are entitled to express.
If this happens, indeed, in a month for example, an
international force, in one form or another, can be put in
place. Some people have talked about an improved UNIFIL,
others of an international force, it doesn't much matter. But
in any case, an international force in which France will
participate provided the force's mandate is clear, fulfills
the imperatives I have just reiterated and whose mode of
deployment is clearly laid down, and with the contributions
of the different participating countries fairly balanced.
QUESTION: Can you tell us what role Syria is playing in the
negotiations? Is anyone talking to the Syrian government and
also is anyone talking to Iran? And what's the atmosphere of
the negotiations with those countries?
PRESIDENT CHIRAC: Everyone understands and is perfectly aware
of the ties existing between Iran and Hezbollah. Given these,
it's legitimate for Iran, an important power in the region,
to be consulted, at any rate, for there to be contacts,
relations, if only to determine what influence she can have
on restoring peace in the Middle East.
You ask me about Syria; everyone is also aware of her ties
with Hezbollah. I'd say, to be totally frank, that experience
has led me not to have total confidence. Moreover, I note
that a few days ago, the Spanish Foreign Minister, Mr
Moratinos, went to see the Syrian leaders; when he emerged
from the meeting he clearly announced the result of the
discussions saying that Syria was going to use all her
influence to restore peace in the region. In the next half
hour, the Syrian President totally refuted what Mr Moratinos
had said.
That doesn't really encourage the establishment of relations
with a country with which we'll in any case have to
negotiate, particularly on the delineation (of the Shebaa
farms area): here too Syria has several times indicated her
agreement on the Shebaa farms being Lebanese. But she has
never agreed to do so in writing, knowing perfectly well that
this is a normal, legal requirement so that the UN, the
United Nations Security Council and the UN General
Secretariat, can declare a modification, decide on a
SIPDIS
modification of the border. So I repeat, I'm not confident.
Let me add that there is a major problem on which Syria could
do something which would be a strong demonstration of her
goodwill, and would facilitate things for the international
Commission of Inquiry set up by the UN, which is led by Judge
Brammertz and tasked with finding out the full truth on Rafiq
Hariri's assassination. Here too, a strong demonstration of
goodwill could strengthen that confidence.
I've mentioned Rafiq Hariri's name. I'm a bit appalled to see
that Lebanon, which had been through the wars everyone knows
about and been totally rebuilt, and whose Prime Minister at
the time had created an extremely important feeling of
national unity in Lebanon, to see all that work, in a way,
destroyed. Those who murdered Rafiq Hariri and those
complicit in his murder, their accomplices, dealt Lebanon and
the whole Lebanese people a very hard blow. I want to restate
this here.
QUESTION: This morning on "France Info" the Foreign Minister
said: "now we have to find the balance between the Israeli
forces' withdrawal and the deployment of the Lebanese army
with UNIFIL, the UN force". Does this mean that France
supports the idea of sending the Lebanese army with UNIFIL to
southern Lebanon before the deployment of a multinational
force?
PRESIDENT CHIRAC: What the minister said, rightly, is that
the situation being what it is, progress can come only from
an agreement. This agreement would include, on one hand, the
Israeli army's withdrawal from the territory it's currently
occupying in Lebanon, which has to be progressive, and,
concurrently, the Lebanese army taking control of the
territory from which the Israelis had withdrawn. So there's a
problem of timing to be settled.
And then, over there we have UNIFIL, which is today a bit
paralysed, but which could be given back a bit of strength
and robustness, and perhaps the capacity, if this is desired,
if it's in the political agreement, to be able to observe or
facilitate things. I'd see only advantages in that.
QUESTION: Do you really believe that the Lebanese government
is today capable of implementing UNSCR 1559, especially of
disarming Hezbollah, and afterwards of disarming the
Palestinian factions in Lebanon? Aren't you afraid that we're
entering a spiral of violence?
PRESIDENT CHIRAC: It's for the Lebanese to answer that
question. One simple thing has to be understood: historically
there's never been a State which hasn't had authority over
the whole of its territory. So wanting to claim that part of
Lebanese territory is under the control of militias is
incompatible with a stable Lebanon which is developing
democratically.
PARIS 00005414 004 OF 004
So it's up to the Lebanese to realize this and the fact that
those who are encouraging parties to opt for war, terrorist
attacks, terrorism, are making a serious mistake. In the end
it's all the Lebanese, whatever their faith - be they Sunnis,
Shias, Druse or Christians -, who are picking up the pieces,
as we're seeing.
So if all the Lebanese suddenly realize that, if they want to
live in a Lebanon which is a historic reality, going back
several millennia, a democratic, peaceful Lebanon, they have
to make this clear at the political level to those wanting to
challenge a Lebanese government, one in fact formed as a
result of free, democratic elections. So I can't urge the
Lebanese too strongly to realize their political
responsibility to encourage all the forces working for peace
and stability in Lebanon and above all her unity, and affirm
her sovereignty and independence.
QUESTION: You haven't spoken to President Bush since St
Petersburg?
PRESIDENT CHIRAC: I apologize for interrupting you, the next
bit of the question seems to me irrelevant since it
postulates that there's no contact between the US and France,
when in fact we're in contact at every level, daily. That
doesn't mean we agree on everything, but contact is
absolutely permanent. Thank you./.
Please visit Paris' Classified Website at:
http://www.state.sgov.gov/p/eur/paris/index.c fm
STAPLETON
SIPDIS
SIPDIS
E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: PREL AEMR MARR CASC LE KHLS FR
SUBJECT: PRESIDENT CHIRAC'S AUGUST 9 REMARKS ON LEBANON
REF: A. PARIS POINTS AUGUST 9
B. PARIS POINTS AUGUST 10
1. President Chirac chaired an extraordinary meeting of
concerned Ministers on Lebanon August 9 in Toulon, France
(near which Chirac is vacationing). Prime Minister Dominique
de Villepin, Minister of Foreign Affairs Philippe
Douste-Blazy, and Minister of Defense Michle Alliot-Marie
were all present. Following the meeting, Chirac made a
statement to the media and answered several questions.
Chirac's comments were widely carried in local media.
Complete English text of speech follows post's summary, below.
2. (U) SUMMARY OF REMARKS: In his statement, President Chirac
reconfirmed the fundamentals of France's position: A
cessation of hostilities must be achieved as soon as
possible, followed by a political agreement, which would
provide the basis for the dispatch of an international force.
Declining to provide specifics or exact timing, Chirac
stated that France would participate in such a force -- if it
were equipped with the right mandate and represented a "fair"
composition of force contributors. The U.S.-French draft
resolution should be considered a "working basis" for
continuing efforts in New York. Those discussions have taken
into account the Lebanese and Israeli reactions, and now must
factor in the Lebanese cabinet's unanimous decision to deploy
15,000 troops to the south, which Chirac saluted. The entire
effort, he emphasized, was to enable Lebanon to exercise its
sovereignty over the entirety of its territory and to address
Israel's security needs. Responding to questions, Chirac
stated that, despite "American reservations" about certain
Lebanese demands, he could not imagine the U.S. and France
not reaching agreement because to do so would constitute an
"immoral" path. In response to a specific question on a
possible US/France impasse over the text, Chirac said that in
such a case the UNSC would debate the issue with each country
affirming its position, including France "through her own
resolution". Chirac took the occasion to adamantly confirm
that the U.S. and France were working closely and remained in
"permanent contact."
3. (U) Responding to reporters' questions, Chirac noted that
Iran was an important power in the region. It therefore made
sense to consult with Tehran, or at least have contact with
it. Syria, however, is a different story. Chirac recalled
that Spanish Foreign Minister Moratinos' statement concerning
Syria's interest in playing a constructive role had been
disavowed by President Asad the day after Moratinos left
Damascus. That did not bode well, but Syria will have a
chance to cooperate, in the context of demarcation of borders
with Lebanon -- and the UN investigation of Rafik Hariri's
assassination. END SUMMARY
4. (U) MFA Official English text of French President Chirac's
remarks following a meeting of concerned ministers on
Lebanon, August 9, 2006.
PRESIDENT CHIRAC: I wanted today to take stock with the Prime
Minister and defence and foreign ministers of the situation
in Lebanon and northern Israel. Sadly, for several weeks,
we've been witnessing in this region a tragic spiral of death
and suffering together with countless acts of destruction.
Every day brings fresh horrors and reinforces the feeling of
incomprehension and distress among the civilians.
In Lebanon, the basic infrastructures are all but totally
destroyed and a million displaced people have lost
everything. In Israel, people are suffering thousands of
rocket attacks by Hezbollah.
In the face of this crisis which is threatening the stability
of a whole region, France immediately mobilized, with two
priorities:
- first, of course, to come to the aid of the stricken
civilians and allow those of our compatriots living in
Lebanon who wished to do so to come back to France. We did
this by establishing sea and air links, which have enabled
more than 10,000 French women and men to return to our
country and also benefited a good many Lebanese who wanted to
leave Lebanon. These arrangements are, moreover, still in
place today and will remain so. We did this too by mounting a
major humanitarian aid operation.
- at the same time, we deployed all our efforts to get a
ceasefire and a sustainable resolution to this tragic crisis.
As France has affirmed from the outset, nothing will be
resolved by force; any solution must come through a political
agreement.
This is why I asked first the Prime Minister and then the
Foreign Minister, who went three times to the region, to
listen to our partners and present our proposals. France has
made active efforts at the Security Council to get the
international community to find a solution to this crisis
under United Nations auspices. I repeat, only dialogue can
restore peace and security in the region.
PARIS 00005414 002 OF 004
The settlement we're working on today has, to my mind, to
respect a twin imperative:
- restoration of Lebanon's sovereignty over the whole of her
territory; this is essential for the Lebanese;
- and, of course, Israel's right to security.
So we have envisaged, through a draft Security Council
resolution, a two-phase mechanism which offers the two
parties the necessary political and security guarantees.
- the first phase consists of a complete and immediate
cessation of hostilities, in any case, as soon as possible,
since the people are enduring tragic suffering. On this
basis, we have to establish the principles and elements of a
permanent ceasefire and a long-term political solution, which
has the agreement of both parties and bears in particular on
the delineation of the border, including the Shebaa farms,
the abducted Israeli soldiers and Lebanese prisoners.
Once these conditions have been met, we'll move on to the
second phase consisting of the deployment of an international
force. This force's mandate will be defined on the basis of a
political commitment by the two parties, verified by the
United Nations. France will decide on her participation in
this force depending on the mandate given to it and a fair
sharing of its constituent contingents between the countries
contributing to it.
The draft Security Council resolution on which we came to an
agreement with the United States is a working basis. Israel
and Lebanon have reacted, and we have to take account of
these reactions and, in particular, of Lebanon's interests,
of her stability, unity, sovereignty and independence.
The Lebanese government yesterday proposed deploying 15,000
soldiers of her armed forces in southern Lebanon. I note that
the government took this decision unanimously and we salute
it, since it should allow the Lebanese government to exercise
its sovereignty throughout its territory. There's no free and
independent State which doesn't exercise its sovereignty over
the whole of its territory.
We have taken account of this major development in the
proposals we're making in New York, in particular, in order
to achieve a Security Council resolution as soon as possible.
Our objective is to get a cessation of hostilities so that, I
repeat, there's an end to the succession of deaths, suffering
and destruction. This is our absolute priority.
QUESTION: This morning we've learned that there's deadlock in
the negotiations between the Americans and French on
accepting the amendments the Lebanese had asked for in the
resolution. We get the feeling that the Americans and
Israelis are playing for time in order to pursue the
fighting, the bombing you've described. What's France going
to do if the fighting continues, if the Americans don't
accept the French arguments for Lebanon's amendments?
PRESIDENT CHIRAC: The Lebanese government, which had made a
proposal in the form of seven points, including several
important ones, concerning Israel's withdrawal from its
territory, the prisoners, and also the Shebaa farms, is
entitled to defend Lebanon's position, a position of a State
which wants its independence and stability.
Let me add that the Arab League has approved and supports
this position, as its three representatives, including the
Secretary-General, affirmed when they went yesterday to New
SIPDIS
York, after the League's meeting in Beirut two days ago.
Given this, I think it's normal for us to take into
consideration the solutions which are being envisaged,
particularly by the parties to the conflict. We have to take
these into account and it's why, on the basis formed by
France and the United States' agreement on a draft
resolution, we've asked for this draft to take on board a
number of these requests.
Indeed, there seem to be American reservations about adopting
this draft. I don't want to think of there not being a
solution, since that would mean - which would be the most
immoral of solutions - us accepting the present situation and
giving up on the immediate ceasefire. So I don't want to
think of the Americans or anyone else doing that.
So we're going to see. If we arrive at a solution in line
with the principles I reiterated just now - those of
humanity, political, peaceful principles - so much the
better. If we don't, obviously we'll have a debate at the
Security Council and everyone will clearly state their
positions there, including, of course, France, through her
own resolution.
QUESTION: Have you set a timetable for this?
PRESIDENT CHIRAC: I don't even want to talk about the idea of
a timetable, because that would mean that we think the
ceasefire, cessation of hostilities can be delayed. I don't
want to think about the possibility of basing a policy on
delaying the cessation of hostilities, especially in a
country which has suffered the destruction, loss of life,
injuries and displacement of people I was talking about just
now.
I think, in reality, that we have to state clearly the
necessity of an immediate cessation of hostilities, it's the
PARIS 00005414 003 OF 004
United Nations' responsibility to affirm it. We must then
very quickly achieve a political agreement which presupposes
the two parties' agreement, so that they each find in it the
guarantees they are entitled to express.
If this happens, indeed, in a month for example, an
international force, in one form or another, can be put in
place. Some people have talked about an improved UNIFIL,
others of an international force, it doesn't much matter. But
in any case, an international force in which France will
participate provided the force's mandate is clear, fulfills
the imperatives I have just reiterated and whose mode of
deployment is clearly laid down, and with the contributions
of the different participating countries fairly balanced.
QUESTION: Can you tell us what role Syria is playing in the
negotiations? Is anyone talking to the Syrian government and
also is anyone talking to Iran? And what's the atmosphere of
the negotiations with those countries?
PRESIDENT CHIRAC: Everyone understands and is perfectly aware
of the ties existing between Iran and Hezbollah. Given these,
it's legitimate for Iran, an important power in the region,
to be consulted, at any rate, for there to be contacts,
relations, if only to determine what influence she can have
on restoring peace in the Middle East.
You ask me about Syria; everyone is also aware of her ties
with Hezbollah. I'd say, to be totally frank, that experience
has led me not to have total confidence. Moreover, I note
that a few days ago, the Spanish Foreign Minister, Mr
Moratinos, went to see the Syrian leaders; when he emerged
from the meeting he clearly announced the result of the
discussions saying that Syria was going to use all her
influence to restore peace in the region. In the next half
hour, the Syrian President totally refuted what Mr Moratinos
had said.
That doesn't really encourage the establishment of relations
with a country with which we'll in any case have to
negotiate, particularly on the delineation (of the Shebaa
farms area): here too Syria has several times indicated her
agreement on the Shebaa farms being Lebanese. But she has
never agreed to do so in writing, knowing perfectly well that
this is a normal, legal requirement so that the UN, the
United Nations Security Council and the UN General
Secretariat, can declare a modification, decide on a
SIPDIS
modification of the border. So I repeat, I'm not confident.
Let me add that there is a major problem on which Syria could
do something which would be a strong demonstration of her
goodwill, and would facilitate things for the international
Commission of Inquiry set up by the UN, which is led by Judge
Brammertz and tasked with finding out the full truth on Rafiq
Hariri's assassination. Here too, a strong demonstration of
goodwill could strengthen that confidence.
I've mentioned Rafiq Hariri's name. I'm a bit appalled to see
that Lebanon, which had been through the wars everyone knows
about and been totally rebuilt, and whose Prime Minister at
the time had created an extremely important feeling of
national unity in Lebanon, to see all that work, in a way,
destroyed. Those who murdered Rafiq Hariri and those
complicit in his murder, their accomplices, dealt Lebanon and
the whole Lebanese people a very hard blow. I want to restate
this here.
QUESTION: This morning on "France Info" the Foreign Minister
said: "now we have to find the balance between the Israeli
forces' withdrawal and the deployment of the Lebanese army
with UNIFIL, the UN force". Does this mean that France
supports the idea of sending the Lebanese army with UNIFIL to
southern Lebanon before the deployment of a multinational
force?
PRESIDENT CHIRAC: What the minister said, rightly, is that
the situation being what it is, progress can come only from
an agreement. This agreement would include, on one hand, the
Israeli army's withdrawal from the territory it's currently
occupying in Lebanon, which has to be progressive, and,
concurrently, the Lebanese army taking control of the
territory from which the Israelis had withdrawn. So there's a
problem of timing to be settled.
And then, over there we have UNIFIL, which is today a bit
paralysed, but which could be given back a bit of strength
and robustness, and perhaps the capacity, if this is desired,
if it's in the political agreement, to be able to observe or
facilitate things. I'd see only advantages in that.
QUESTION: Do you really believe that the Lebanese government
is today capable of implementing UNSCR 1559, especially of
disarming Hezbollah, and afterwards of disarming the
Palestinian factions in Lebanon? Aren't you afraid that we're
entering a spiral of violence?
PRESIDENT CHIRAC: It's for the Lebanese to answer that
question. One simple thing has to be understood: historically
there's never been a State which hasn't had authority over
the whole of its territory. So wanting to claim that part of
Lebanese territory is under the control of militias is
incompatible with a stable Lebanon which is developing
democratically.
PARIS 00005414 004 OF 004
So it's up to the Lebanese to realize this and the fact that
those who are encouraging parties to opt for war, terrorist
attacks, terrorism, are making a serious mistake. In the end
it's all the Lebanese, whatever their faith - be they Sunnis,
Shias, Druse or Christians -, who are picking up the pieces,
as we're seeing.
So if all the Lebanese suddenly realize that, if they want to
live in a Lebanon which is a historic reality, going back
several millennia, a democratic, peaceful Lebanon, they have
to make this clear at the political level to those wanting to
challenge a Lebanese government, one in fact formed as a
result of free, democratic elections. So I can't urge the
Lebanese too strongly to realize their political
responsibility to encourage all the forces working for peace
and stability in Lebanon and above all her unity, and affirm
her sovereignty and independence.
QUESTION: You haven't spoken to President Bush since St
Petersburg?
PRESIDENT CHIRAC: I apologize for interrupting you, the next
bit of the question seems to me irrelevant since it
postulates that there's no contact between the US and France,
when in fact we're in contact at every level, daily. That
doesn't mean we agree on everything, but contact is
absolutely permanent. Thank you./.
Please visit Paris' Classified Website at:
http://www.state.sgov.gov/p/eur/paris/index.c fm
STAPLETON