TOGO: MEETING WITH GILCHRIST OLYMPIO: UPBEAT BUT

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 PARIS 005182 SIPDIS SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 08/01/2016 TAGS: PREL PGOV PHUM KDEM TO FR SUBJECT: TOGO: MEETING WITH GILCHRIST OLYMPIO: UPBEAT BUT CAUTIOUS REF: A. LOME 737 ¶B. PARIS 1919 ¶C. LOME 741 PARIS 00005182 001.2 OF 004 Classified By: Political Minister-Counselor Josiah Rosenblatt, reason 1.5 (b/d). ¶1. (U) This is an action message: See para 12. ¶2. (C) SUMMARY: Togolese opposition leader and UFC chief Gilchrist Olympio told us on July 27 that he agreed to the naming of Burkina Faso President Campaore as facilitator for political dialogue between the GOT and opposition political groups. However, much remained to be determined as to the modalities of the talks, Campaore's role, and the Faure regime's commitment to work with the opposition. He stressed the need for establishing free and fair legislative elections, and abiding by the 1992 constitution, stripped of amendments Eyadema engineered during his final years, as a basis for going forward. Olympio said the Faure government wanted to hold legislative elections early in 2007, in order to hold them before French presidential elections scheduled for May 2007 and the resulting likely change in French leadership, but Olympio doubted they could be held that soon. Olympio encouraged engagement by the international community in Togo's political dialogue and elections processes, noting that the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights had recently agreed to open an office in Lome. He welcomed any assistance the U.S. could provide in making Togo the subject of UNSC attention, for instance, through a UNSC Press Statement supporting Campaore as mediator of a reinvigorated political dialogue, and the opening of a UN office in Togo through UNSYG Annan's good offices. Olympio discussed briefly Catholic-Freemason tensions in France and Togo, which had the effect of marginalizing engagement by Sant'Egidio. Olympio said he would travel to the U.S. and Mexico during late in August and would welcome a meeting with USG officials in New York or Washington. ACTION REQUEST: Department guidance in response to Olympio's offer of availability for New York or Washington meetings. See para 12 for details. END ACTION REQUEST AND SUMMARY. ¶3. (C) Gilchrist Olympio, head of the UFC party and leading member of Togo's opposition, called on Embassy Africa Watcher on July 27, accompanied by UFC Communications Counselor Isaac Tchiakpe. Discussion of political developments in Togo generally tracked with ref A; ref B reports our last meeting with Olympio in March. Campaore and Political Dialogue -------------- ¶4. (C) In an upbeat mood (see concluding Comment),Olympio discussed the naming on July 25 of Burkina Faso President Campaore as facilitator of Togo's political dialogue. He said that "yesterday" (July 26) the parties reached final agreement on this issue. With seven parties accepting Campaore, the UFC "couldn't say 'no,'" Olympio said, especially after the UFC's "sister party" (the CDPA) had proposed Campaore. Now the task would be to define Campaore's role. Olympio said that he wanted Campaore to engage personally as a "mediator" actively taking part in negotiations and not as a "facilitator" who would simply bring the parties together. Olympio did not express complete confidence in Campaore, whom he declined to describe as a friend, but said that he was not opposed to him, despite his "closeness to France." He believed Campaore was nonetheless capable of acting impartially. Olympio believed that Campaore was close to Chirac "and the other Gaullists," including PM de Villepin, and said that if Chirac told Campaore to do something, Campaore would do so. Olympio noted that the group was quick to settle on Campaore after other candidates (e.g., Carl Bildt, Lakhdar Brahimi, Kenneth Kaunda, Alpha Oumar Konare, and Jerry Rawlings) failed to achieve consensus support. Olympio said that a plenary meeting of the parties to the talks could take place as soon as Campaore accepts and modalities for the talks are determined. ¶5. (C) Olympio said that he had already made clear to Campaore, and would do so again, that it was important that Campaore be personally engaged and that he not operate by proxy. Of course he could not be expected to abandon his job as Burkina Faso's president, so it might be necessary to move the talks to Ouagadougou. Elections -------------- ¶6. (C) Olympio said that establishing a free, fair, and PARIS 00005182 002.2 OF 004 transparent electoral process, first concentrating on legislative elections, was of prime concern. The 1998 and 1999 election registers, although flawed, could serve as the basis of identifying voters. Technically, Olympio could be a candidate for a legislative seat. However, he noted that just four days before, the GOT indicated that no one over the age of 65 could run for President, a gesture directed at him personally, he believed. In contrast, he noted that an earlier law requiring a presidential candidate to be at least 45 years old was expeditiously scrapped towards the end of Eyadema's life to accommodate Faure ("the boy was 39 then," Olympio observed). This was in line with the GOT's ability and practice "to do whatever it wants." Olympio opposed the GOT's aim to hold a single round of elections, saying that there had to be two rounds, as was the case in many other countries. Louis Michel, EU Commissioner for Development and Humanitarian Aid, told Olympio he favored avoiding the registers altogether by issuing voter cards to anyone who could prove an age of 18 or more. Olympio said that a formal census would take too long and that a system along Michel's lines could cost 12-14 million USD. Not fully endorsing Michel's idea, Olympio commented that much of Michel's African experience was in the DRC and that he tended to view other African countries through that prism, which was not always appropriate. Olympio believed that the EU could provide funding for such a voter registration process. ¶7. (C) Another dilemma was Togo's constitution and how to establish an electoral process, defined by law, without having to change the constitution. Olympio believed the 1992 constitution, approved by 98 percent of Togolese, including Eyadema's supporters, could still serve as a useful instrument, if stripped of the many amendments that Eyadema made to it, especially in his last years. However, if a democratically-oriented legislature could be elected, then it could go about changing the electoral laws and, if necessary, the constitution. Olympio complained that changes were also necessary concerning the Prime Ministry; under the current system, Togo's President could hire and fire ministers at will, despite the Prime Minister and the political make-up of the legislature. ¶8. (C) Olympio said he told Faure during their July 2005 meeting in Rome that they both knew Faure would obtain only 10 percent of the vote in a free election, and that Faure should agree that his government was transitional, in anticipation of eventual free and fair legislative elections. Olympio described to us another scenario involving Faure's agreement to shorten his mandate to three years in order to hold presidential elections sooner. Olympio believed that the GOT wanted to hold legislative elections in February 2007 and that Faure indicated such a date because he wanted to be sure the elections took place before Chirac's likely departure from power after the May 2007 French elections. On the subject of a change in France's Africa policy post-Chirac, Olympio said that one of Interior Minister (and presidential hopeful) Sarkozy's foreign policy advisors assured him that France's policies would change under a new president, whether of the left or right. Africa's French-centric old order, now represented by Chad's Deby, Gabon's Bongo, and Cameroon's Biya, would be on its way out. ¶9. (C) Olympio elaborated on how the legislative elections should take place. There should be a second round; "discriminatory" laws barring certain candidates should be eliminated; the Togolese army should not take to the streets; foreign observers, including military observers to watch the army, should be deployed; and 1,500 gendarmes (which could include Togolese) could also be deployed, per Louis Michel's suggestion. The foreign and military observers should be available before, during, and after the elections. ¶10. (C) The GOT's February 2007 target date for legislative elections was not feasible, Olympio said, given the many issues that first had to be settled, including meeting EU requirements for credible elections as set forth in the EU's 22 conditions for restarting Togo-EU relations. UNHCHR and UNSC -------------- ¶11. (C) Olympio was happy to report that the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights had agreed only a week previously to open an office in Lome, which could take place in September (ref C). He met with High Commissioner Louise Arbour in February 2006 and asked that such an office be established. Regarding the UN and a role for the UNSC, Olympio said he spoke on July 26 with UNSYG Annan, who reminded him that a country, preferably an SC member, would PARIS 00005182 003.2 OF 004 have to propose action to the Council. Olympio thought that the UNSC could speak out against Togo's human rights record and history of extra-judicial killings. We noted that at this stage, a UNSC Press Statement might be more timely, supporting the naming of Campaore as mediator and the prospects for meaningful dialogue. Olympio agreed that this would be useful. Olympio said that he suggested to UNSYG Annan that the UN, under Annan's good offices, open an office in Togo. The U.S. could play a useful role in supporting the opening of such an office, Olympio said. Available to Talk to USG -------------- ¶12. (C) Olympio said he planned on traveling to Mexico for a wedding, transiting through New York, late in August. He said that he would be more than willing to meet with USG officials on either leg of his trip if there were interest on the U.S. side, and would be flexible on timing, to the extent that the date of the wedding permitted. He would travel to Washington if necessary, although a meeting in New York would be more convenient. We told him that we would convey this point to Washington and follow-up with him as appropriate. ACTION REQUEST: Post requests Department guidance on Olympio's offer to meet with USG officials in either New York or Washington during his upcoming trip. Olympio on August 1 provided the following travel schedule: Aug 21 (arrive New York, depart for Mexico); Aug 26 (wedding in Mexico); Aug 28 (return to New York); Aug 29 (depart New York for Paris). END ACTION REQUEST. Relations with the GOF and with the Faure Regime -------------- --- ¶13. (C) Olympio said that the GOF did not seem interested in maintaining a productive dialogue with him, going so far as to tell him that talking with Presidential Africa Advisor Bonnecorse would be a "waste of time." He believed, however, that the French might be more willing to meet with him now that circumstances had changed and the UFC was seen as engaging the GOT in dialogue. Olympio described recent positive meetings with members of the Faure regime, one of which took place on July 6 and lasted seven hours at Olympio's apartment. Faure's Advisor Pascal Bodjona was among the participants. Olympio said he (Olympio) expressed "no hard feelings" to the GOT representatives and was able to speak his mind freely. He laid out his priorities, stressing the need to work for Togo's future. A second meeting took place later in Accra, when seven members of Faure's inner circle, again including Bodjona, met with Olympio at their request. He said that these members of Faure's regime seemed to agree with his main points on the way forward. He acknowledged that they could of course have been acting as though they agreed with him. Catholics and Freemasons -------------- ¶14. (C) When asked about Sant'Egidio's role concerning Togo, Olympio said he spoke regularly with Sant'Egidio representative Mario Giro. However, Olympio and Tchiakpe noted that there was tension in France and Togo between Catholics and Freemasons, which was impeding Sant'Egidio's efforts at engagement. Freemasonry was widespread and popular in Togo, they commented; Faure and other leading Togolese were active Freemasons, as were Campaore and C.A.R. President Bozize, Olympio said. There were lodges throughout Togo, Olympio asserted. Freemasons tended to view a Catholic association such as Sant'Egidio with skepticism. Olympio said that Louis Michel was a Freemason, along with others in France involved with Togo, which contributed to Sant'Egidio's marginalization. Olympio said that he was approached by the Freemasons in France in 2004 and asked to give a speech at a local lodge, but he told them he could do so only after returning from a December holiday to India to visit his wife's family. The lodge said he could speak on any subject and did not ask for an advance text. Noting that this was shortly before Eyadema's death, Olympio said that the lodge then phoned him while he was in India and asked that he postpone his speech. He did so, noting that he had since heard nothing further about making the speech. He did not rule out GOF pressure on the Freemasons to have the speech canceled. COMMENT -------------- ¶15. (C) Olympio was in a markedly more relaxed and upbeat mood than he was when we last met with him in March (ref B). The naming of Campaore, the prospect of political dialogue, and the respect he has been given by Faure collaborators seem to have energized him, and he made his points in a more PARIS 00005182 004.2 OF 004 focused and organized manner than he had previously. Remarkably, he accepted the notion of the Faure government's staying in place as a transition to a more "proper" democracy. At the same time, he expressed no illusions about the obstacles ahead and the likelihood that the Faure regime could well create new ones as the process creeps forward. END COMMENT. Please visit Paris' Classified Website at: http://www.state.sgov.gov/p/eur/paris/index.c fm STAPLETON