GUNS, THUGS, AND POLITICS: INSECURITY IN KENYA

C O N F I D E N T I A L NAIROBI 005112 SIPDIS SIPDIS LONDON AND PARIS FOR AFRICA WATCHERS, DEPT FOR DS/IP/AF AND DS/ITA E.O. 12958: DECL: 11/14/2026 TAGS: ASEC PGOV PHUM KE SUBJECT: GUNS, THUGS, AND POLITICS: INSECURITY IN KENYA Classified By: A/Political Counselor Craig White for reasons 1.4 (b,d) ¶1. (C) Summary: The recent attack on Kenya's top official responsible for security and the outbreak of gang violence in one Nairobi slum have focused national attention on what the government in a November 9 statement called the "recent upsurge in rape, house robberies, carjacking, and general uneasiness." Divisions within the security forces are undermining their effectiveness to counter insecurity in Kenya. Given this environment, the violence in a Nairobi slum -- the confluence of political, tribal, and criminal interests -- has potentially serious implications for Kenya's security leading up to the late 2007 national elections. End Summary. Security Minister Attacked, But By Whom? -------------- ¶2. (U) As if to underscore problems of insecurity in the country, the preeminent GOK official responsible for the security docket was himself recently the victim of a violent attack. On October 28, heavily armed bandits attacked the rural homestead of Internal Security Minister John Michuki; a local chief was shot and killed during the attack. Luckily for Michuki, he had departed his home for Nairobi just a few hours before. Investigating police found fifty-one cartridges at the scene of the crime. This impressive display of fire-power illustrates the disturbing amount of guns and ammunition which have found their way into criminal hands. ¶3. (C) While there is much speculation as to the motivation behind the attack, the investigation has yet to reveal the perpetrators. It seems unlikely that the attackers were unaware of the homestead's owner. There is even speculation that the attack was orchestrated by Ali detractors (possibly even Michuki supporters),intending to make Police Commissioner Ali look bad. Relations between the Police Commissioner and Michuki have been frosty, given Ali's independent leanings, but particularly so as a result of the March raid on the Standard Media House. (Note: Former CID Director Joseph Kamau, who routinely reported directly to Michuki, circumventing and undermining Ali's authority, executed the raid which was ordered by Michuki, all to the professed ignorance of Ali. Simon Gatiba Karanja was appointed to the post of CID Director on November 13, filling the post which remained vacant since Kamau's suspension in June. Whether the new CID Director will follow in his predecessor's footsteps or develop better working relations with Ali remains to be seen. An assessment of Karanja's potential and the implications of his appointment will follow in septel. End Note.) ¶4. (C) In addition to the strained relations within the leadership of Kenya's security forces, there is growing tension between the Kenya Police Service's rank and file and their boss. Commissioner Ali, an outsider, was appointed to clean up the service. His tactics to address corruption and inefficiencies, which include installing commanding officers from outside the police service (notably the military and the General Services Unit),have engendered a great deal of resentment within the service. According to a senior police Inspector, resentment levels have reached a breaking point. The Inspector told poloffs that police dissatisfaction with their commanding officer has escalated to such proportions that some members of the police force are prepared to "stop doing their jobs" to make Ali look bad and, hopefully, prompt his removal. Gang Violence with an Ethnic Twist -------------- ¶5. (SBU) With the security apparatus under multiple strains, tensions in one Nairobi slum flared to deadly levels. Beginning November 5, Mathare, one of Nairobi's largest slums was paralyzed by several days of arson and street fights between by rival gangs. Seven people were killed in the attacks and in the police effort to quell the violence, from which hundreds of residents fled. Although government officials have doggedly tried to wash the Mathare violence of any ethnic tint, it is clear that tribalism played a key role. The two gangs allegedly responsible for the trouble have strong tribal connections, and their targets were ethnic rivals. The Mungiki, Kenya's most notorious gang, was established by Kikuyus who wanted to avenge discrimination (and violence) by the Moi (Kalenjin) administration and his Western Luo and Luhya allies. The Mungiki evolved into a criminal organization whose members were also hired by Kikuyu politicians looking to intimidate opponents. To counter the Mungiki, and their political patrons, Luo and Luhya youth banded together as the rival Taliban gang (a name without religious significance in this case). ¶6. (C) Mathare slum, with its Kikuyu and Luo populations divided by the Nairobi river, was fertile ground for a clash between these two gangs. The chang'a (an illegal alcoholic brew) industry has long been a source of friction as producers and distributors paid off both police and Mungiki to keep their businesses running. According to one Mathare community organization leader, tensions began rising when the Mungiki increased the size and variety of fees they were extracting (for example, charging a monthly fee for the use of public toilets). The frustration came to a head on Sunday, November 5 when Mungiki stashed stolen Luo goods in Kikuyu homes. Luo residents retaliated by burning residences on the Kikuyu side of Mathare, which was followed by Mungiki destruction of Luo homes the next night. And a Political Motive -------------- ¶7. (C) Given their initial political roots, it is unsurprising that these gangs continue to be used by politicians to raise money and intimidate opponents, and that their activity level increases around elections. Together the gangs and politicians have created what Ken Njau, Executive Director of NGO Citizens Against Violence has called an "economy of violence." Local politicians, and those running for office, establish youth "organizations" (the gangs themselves are banned by the government), ostensibly as support groups, but in effect using them as hired thugs. In addition, government authority in the slum areas has broken down. Not only are police ineffective, the chief, the smallest administrative unit of the central government, when called in, will refuse to act, Mathare residents complained, either out of fear, or because of his own complicity in the criminal activity. Comment -------------- ¶8. (C) Poverty, corruption, tribalism, and crooked politicians have conspired against Kenya's slum dwellers, creating an insecure and unstable environment. With the next general election approaching, and political temperatures rising, there is great potential for a repeat of the Mathare violence. However, this incident provides an opportunity for the government to deliver on an issue that is probably of the greatest concern to Kenyan voters: their personal safety. The strains among and within the security services, however, make the switch from negligence and police-committed crime to actual pro-active policing unlikely. The average Kenyan is likely to face even worse insecurity in the lead-up to the elections. RANNEBERGER