HUMAN RIGHTS OMBUDSMAN LUKIN SUGGESTS CHANGES TO

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 MOSCOW 007047 SIPDIS SIPDIS FOR EUR A/S FRIED, DRL A/S LOWENKRON, AND EUR DAS KRAMER E.O. 12958: DECL: 06/30/2016 TAGS: PGOV PHUM PREL KDEM PINR RS SUBJECT: HUMAN RIGHTS OMBUDSMAN LUKIN SUGGESTS CHANGES TO USG PROPOSAL ON U.S-RUSSIAN ROUNDTABLE ON DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS REF: BURNS/KRAMER TELCON 6/30 Classified By: Ambassador William J. Burns, for reasons 1.4 (B & D) ¶1. (C) SUMMARY. In a June 30 meeting, Human Rights Ombudsman Vladimir Lukin discussed the paper outlining the proposal for a U.S.-Russian Roundtable on Democracy and Human Rights with the Ambassador. Lukin was positive about the proposal, but based on his consultations with the MFA and Kremlin Foreign Policy Advisor Sergey Prikhodko, Lukin noted four GOR concerns about the document. First, the GOR believed an announcement at the G8 summit might be too much too soon -- though Lukin expressed his personal support for some kind of public reference at the summit. Second, Lukin proposed reducing the number of participants from eight to ten experts on each side to four to five experts to a side, at least at the start. Third, the GOR opposed a joint report after the first session. Fourth, the GOR wanted a Russian organization to share control of the roundtable with the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Lukin stressed the need to move quickly to address GOR concerns; he suggested making changes in the paper to reflect those concerns and then sending it back to his office early in the week of July 3. END SUMMARY. ¶2. (C) Human Rights Ombudsman Vladimir Lukin opened a June 30 meeting with the Ambassador by noting that his recent trip to the U.S. had been productive, and he thanked the USG for its support. He said that after his office had received the paper on the U.S.-Russian Roundtable Table on Democracy and Human Rights, he discussed the proposal with Kremlin Foreign Policy Advisor Sergey Prikhodko and the MFA. Based on his review of the document and his discussions with other officials, Lukin said the proposal was a good one and that he wanted his office to play a role in the roundtable. However, Lukin noted four GOR concerns with the proposal. ¶3. (C) The GOR concerns are listed in the order they appear in the text of the paper. First, a joint presidential announcement about the initiative at the G8 summit would be too much too soon. It was important to avoid raising expectations too high at the outset. The roundtable had not been sufficiently developed for the presidents to publicly commit to it. While the GOR might be comfortable saying that it was exploring new ideas for a forum to discuss human rights and democracy, it did not want to get too specific about the roundtable. However, if both sides were completely satisfied with the proposal, it might be possible for the organizers of the roundtable to make an announcement around the time of the summit. The announcement could then be noted by both governments at the summit. Lukin said he personally thought it a good idea to have an announcement be part of the summit, but he would need to have a quick response to the GOR's other concerns with the roundtable to help him convince others in time. ¶4. (C) The second change that Lukin proposed was to reduce the number of participants. Eight to ten experts on each side were too many, especially in the beginning. Having such a large number of participants would likely lead to a more confrontational style of discussion. He suggested that four to five experts to a side would be better to allow the participants to have a more meaningful dialogue. Once the core group of four to five had established a good working relationship, it might be possible to expand the group. Third, Lukin said the GOR opposed issuance of a joint report after the first session. Too much publicity about disagreements between the two sides early on could hurt the roundtable before it could gel. ¶5. (C) Fourth, the GOR wanted a Russian organization to work in partnership with the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in running the roundtable. Carnegie would be an acceptable U.S. coordinator, but there also needed to be a Russian partner. The two would share control for implementing the roundtable, including choosing the participants. He said that his office might be able to play a role as a partner to Carnegie, but no final decision on that question had been made. If a Russian counterpart to Carnegie could be identified and all the other issues were concluded, it would strengthen the chances of an announcement at the summit. ¶6. (C) Lukin stressed the need to move quickly to try and reach agreement on the four concerns he outlined. He suggested making changes in the paper to reflect those concerns and then sending it back to his office early in the week of July 3. Lukin could then discuss the changes with MOSCOW 00007047 002 OF 002 others in the GOR with the goal of reaching agreement in time for the summit. The text of the paper proposing a U.S.-Russian Roundtable on Democracy and Human Rights is included below. ¶7. (SBU) Begin paper: U.S.-RUSSIAN ROUNDTABLE ON DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS Concept: Establishing a U.S.-Russia private/public sector roundtable on democracy and human rights will create a new channel for regular dialogue on these key issues. The roundtable will not obviate the need for other official channels, but will complement them with more in-depth discussions by and among experts. A joint announcement of the initiative by Presidents Bush and Putin at the G8 Summit would give the dialogue a strong initial boost, improve the prospects that it will be productive, and demonstrate both sides' commitment to engaging in serious discussions in this new forum. The roundtable should focus on the broad range of democracy and human rights issues, including rule of law, media freedom, and civil society independence. It would include about eight to ten experts on each side. Representatives of civil society, as well as independent experts, would constitute the bulk of each side's delegation, with some government officials also taking part. Sessions would be held alternately in Russia and the U.S., and would take place at regular intervals to foster real dialogue. The sessions, each lasting 1-2 days, would lead to a joint report highlighting areas of agreement and varying perspectives on issues. Between sessions, participants would be encouraged to communicate informally. Procedures: The dialogue will be organized and run by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, with its Moscow Center. Carnegie will have full control of implementing the initiative, including organizing and setting dates for each session, establishing an agenda and choosing participants. Costs of the initiative would be modest. To make the dialogue a real government-private effort, funding should come from both governments and other non-governmental sources such as grants, as needed. Key Elements of a Joint Statement: The U.S. and Russia announce the establishment of the U.S.-Russia Roundtable on Democracy and Human Rights. The Roundtable would bring together civil society activists, analysts and government officials from both countries to discuss the whole range of issues involving democratic societies, including rule of law, independent media and a vibrant civil society. End paper. BURNS