COURT CASES STIR MUSLIM COMMUNITY IN ASTRAKHAN

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 MOSCOW 002447

SIPDIS

SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 03/10/2016
TAGS: PGOV PINR PHUM KDEM RS
SUBJECT: COURT CASES STIR MUSLIM COMMUNITY IN ASTRAKHAN


Classified By: Minister-Counselor for Political Affairs Kirk
Augustine. For reasons 1.4 (b and d).


1. (C) SUMMARY. Two ongoing court cases in the southern
Russian city of Astrakhan have stirred part of the local
Muslim community to protest against perceived discrimination.
On a February 28 - March 1 trip to Astrakhan, we found that
some in its Muslim community suspect that a city order to
destroy a recently built mosque, as well as a criminal case
against a Muslim businessman accused of inciting religious
hatred, were both instigated by authorities to exert control
over the Muslim population in Russia's south. The merits of
the two cases remain unclear, but such perceptions in the
local Muslim community could produce tension, in the long
term possibly influencing the moderate nature of Astrakhan's
Muslim community. END SUMMARY.

BACKGROUND
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2. (C) The city of Astrakhan, located on the Caspian Sea, has
an ethnically and religiously diverse population of just over
500,000. Originally a crossroads of trading routes,
Astrakhan has reportedly developed into a tolerant community
where people of different backgrounds live together
peacefully. While the majority of the population (around 70
percent, according to oblast authorities) consider themselves
Christian, a significant Muslim population exists. The
Muslim community is largely Volga Tatar and considered
moderate, despite the influence of a more radical Dagestani
diaspora. There are over 40 mosques in Astrakhan Oblast, and
with an Islamic Institute headed by an Algerian-born rector,
two Islamic centers, and several independent Islamic
foundations, the Muslim community appears vibrant.


3. (C) The Muslim community has reportedly maintained good
relations with other religious communities within the city.
Father Mikhail of Astrakhan's Russian Orthodox Church told us
that he considered Oblast Mufti Nazambek Ilyasov (who works
in conjunction with the Central Spiritual Directorate of
Muslims) a good friend, although he noted that new mosques
remained empty, implying that mosque construction may be
outpacing the growth of the Muslim population. Rabbi Shlomo
Goldenberg, the Astrakhan rabbi of the Federation of Jewish
Communities, also claimed to us that he enjoys good relations
with the Muslim leadership and commented that they often
jointly attend oblast celebrations and holiday functions.

MOSQUE NUMBER 34
--------------


4. (C) The Astrakhan city administration issued an order in
January for the destruction of recently built Mosque Number
34, located at the entrance to the city on the airport road.
The order gave the Muslim community two months to tear down
the mosque before the city would step in and do so.
Astrakhan Vice-Mayor Yevgeniy Aptekar and Oblast Deputy
Minister for International Cooperation Oleg Kolominov both
claimed to us that the order is related to construction
regulation violations that make the mosque structurally
unsound and therefore unsafe. Both denied that the order was
a violation of religious freedom.


5. (C) The Council of Mosque Number 34, represented by
Chairman Asya Makhmudova, reacted strongly to the order,
appealing it to the oblast court and applying for permission
to hold a protest rally. Permission for a planned February
protest was denied, and on March 1 the oblast court denied
the appeal. The Council now has until May 1 to tear down the
mosque. Makhmudova believes the order was issued after an
August 2005 visit by President Putin. She told us she
believed that Putin was dissatisfied that a mosque would be
the first image to greet visitors upon entry into the city
from the airport. Seeking to compromise, the Council told
the city administration that it would not be opposed to the
construction of an Orthodox Church next to the mosque, if
that would resolve the situation. The city did not respond.
Veronica Karpycheva-Petrova, the Council's attorney,
indicated to us that the Council would take its case to
Moscow, both through the courts and through a public
relations campaign.


6. (C) The reaction from the rest of the Astrakhan community
has been mixed. Karpycheva-Petrova told us that local media
refused to write about the case because of their loyalty to
the administration. A local journalist was quick to echo to
us the administration's position about construction
violations. Although the eleven councils of Astrakhan city's
Muslim community signed on to a letter to Astrakhan Governor
Aleksandr Zhilkin protesting the case, other religious
communities have reportedly remained silent.


MOSCOW 00002447 002 OF 002


SHANGAREYEV CASE
--------------


7. (C) In addition, federal authorities have been prosecuting
a local Muslim businessman and activist, Mansur Shangareyev,
on charges of fraud and incitement to religious hatred.
Already sentenced to three years on the fraud charges,
Shangareyev is currently being tried on the second charge.
Shangareyev was arrested in March 2005, after authorities
searched his home and claimed to have found leaflets and
other material used to spread radical Islamic ideas. His
attorney, Vladimir Ryakhovskiy of the Slavic Center for Law
and Religion, told us that the charges were unfounded and
that the evidence was planted by security services during the
search. Human rights activists in Moscow, including the
GOR's former human rights ombudsman, Oleg Mironov, have
signed a letter to Astrakhan Oblast officials protesting this
"state discrimination."

MUSLIM COMMUNITY
--------------


8. (C) For Astrakhan's Muslim community, the two cases run
counter to a history of support from local, regional, and
federal authorities. Makhmudova, noting that the previous
city administration was supportive of Mosque 34, passed us a
copy of a letter signed by the previous mayor asking the
local construction board to facilitate permission for its
construction. Former Governor Anatoliy Guzhvin reportedly
set aside funds from the oblast budget to work on restoring
another local mosque and urged the business community to
contribute. Makhmudova said the turnaround in authorities'
attitudes toward the Muslim community was hard to understand.


9. (C) The role of Mufti Ilyasov is similarly confusing. As
the two cases have proceeded, it appears that Ilyasov has
struggled between supporting his community and maintaining
his good relationship with the federal and oblast
governments. Makhumudova referred to Ilyasov's stance on the
mosque as two-sided, mentioning that "he tells the Muslim
community that he supports it, and then tells the authorities
that he supports them." Ilyasov has met several times with
Putin to discuss support of Russian Muslims. Some observers
believe that Ilyasov may have been behind the case against
Shangareyev due to a split in the Astrakhan Muslim community
that may have endangered his position as mufti.

GEOGRAPHICAL PROXIMITY
--------------


10. (C) Meanwhile, Astrakhan State University representatives
told us that increasing numbers of students are studying
Farsi and participating in student exchanges and information
technology training in Iran. Local officials also told us
that business ties with Iran are on the rise, as Iranians
look to use Astrakhan as a point of entry for their goods.
During a meeting with Astrakhan Oblast Minister of
International Cooperation Askar Kabikeyev, he explained that
he was meeting later the same day with an Iranian official.

COMMENT
--------------


11. (C) As in Tatarstan and other areas of Russia with a
significant Muslim population - with the possible exception
of the North Caucasus - Muslims in Astrakhan have practiced a
moderate form of Islam since the collapse of the Soviet Union
and lived peacefully with their non-Muslim neighbors. There
is, however, some cause for concern as younger Muslims now
have greater access to more radical thinking from abroad.
Friction can be compounded by stronger nationalism among
ethnic Russians and an increasingly close relationship
between Russian Orthodoxy and the Russian government. For
the present, however, Astrakhan remains a city where specific
grievances have not yet boiled over to feed violence of the
sort now regularly seen in Dagestan and elsewhere in the
North Caucasus.
BURNS