DAS JOHN EXPLORES STRONGER TIES WITH MALAYSIA,

S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 04 KUALA LUMPUR 002287 SIPDIS SIPDIS DEPT FOR EAP E.O. 12958: DECL: 12/15/2026 TAGS: PREL PGOV PINS ECON KISL ASEAN MY SUBJECT: DAS JOHN EXPLORES STRONGER TIES WITH MALAYSIA, CAUTIONS ON RHETORIC REF: A. KUALA LUMPUR 2235 - MALAYSIAN OPTIMISTIC ON MILF TALKS ¶B. KUALA LUMPUR 2159 - MFA ON MINDANAO Classified By: Ambassador Christopher J. LaFleur, reasons 1.4 (b and d) . Summary -------------- ¶1. (C) DAS John encouraged stronger ties with Malaysia during his December 6 meetings with Foreign Ministry officials Ambassador Ghazzali Khalid and the new Americas division chief Ramlan Ibrahim, with both sides concluding that good relations between President Bush and Prime Minister Abdullah provided a solid basis for expanded cooperation. DAS John noted that Malaysia's NAM/OIC driven rhetoric, however, was at variance with the positive tone set by the leaders and he urged the GOM to take into account the impact on U.S. relations. Both sides agreed on the importance of continuing the Senior Strategic Dialogue and other official exchanges. DAS John urged a quickened pace to the FTA talks, while Ghazzali focused on the need for Malaysian officials to follow through on the specifics of technical cooperation initiatives and raised the importance of educational links. DAS John shared U.S. views on Burma, East Timor and Mindanao. Separate meetings with senior Malaysian editors, political analysts and ethnic Chinese and Malay politicians highlighted the central importance of race and religion in domestic politics, while pointing out the limits of democratic reform in the post-Mahathir era. DAS John conducted interviews with Malaysian television and print media, leading to positive coverage of U.S. relations with Malaysia and ASEAN. End Summary. Strong Underpinning for Improved Relations -------------- ¶2. (C) DAS John, accompanied by DCM and polchief, encouraged new efforts to strengthen U.S.-Malaysia bilateral ties during separate meetings on December 6 in the Malaysian Foreign Ministry with Ambassador-at-Large (and former Ambassador to the U.S.) Ghazzali Khalid and newly installed Under Secretary for the Americas Division Ambassador Ramlan Ibrahim. Washington viewed the relationship as moving in a positive direction, particularly since Prime Minister Abdullah took office, John stated. The good relationship between President Bush and the Prime Minister provided a strong underpinning for progress on bilateral and international issues. Both Ghazzali and Ramlan agreed bilateral relations were good, while recognizing the two countries could achieve more together. Ramlan stated the U.S. and Malaysia should "cash in" on the "excellent atmospherics" between the respective national leaders, and he vowed to pursue this aggressively within the GOM. Ghazzali said there was a new "enthusiasm" for improving relations on the Malaysian side, matching the enthusiasm that was "always" evident on the U.S. side. (Comment: This is possibly a reference to Ramlan taking up the Americas Division, rather than a GOM policy change. End Comment.) Ghazzali saw the main challenge as follow up on issues within the GOM, noting the Foreign Ministry was "spread too thin" with OIC, NAM and ASEAN responsibilities. Ghazzali later added that, in the change in leadership from Mahathir to Abdullah, Malaysia had not undertaken any "drastic policy shift," but rather adopted a more diplomatic approach to U.S. relations. Malaysian Rhetoric Sends the Wrong Signal -------------- ¶3. (C) DAS John commented that Malaysia's seeming reliance on rhetoric drawn from unbalanced Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) and Organization of the Islamic Council (OIC) positions seemed at variance with the positive tone set the leaders. Statements, like Foreign Minister Syed's August reference to arming Hizbollah and Abdullah's letter on Lebanon as OIC chairman; gestures such as the warm welcome afforded presidents from Iran and Venezuela; and votes against U.S. positions in the UN all attracted negative attention in Washington. While recognizing domestic political constraints, John urged Malaysia to understand that its statements impacted its relations with the U.S. as well. Ghazzali provided an historical backdrop to Malaysia's active NAM and OIC positions, which on the issue of Palestine rested KUALA LUMP 00002287 002 OF 004 on "sincere and genuine" sentiments. The perceived U.S. role in Palestine, Lebanon and Iraq "cast a shadow on relations" with the U.S. and "drums up an anti-American refrain" within the GOM's domestic constituency. Ghazzali noted that he could not envision "hostile language" coming out of Abdullah's planned visit to Venezuela. Ramlan vowed to use his position to introduce "balance" and "rationality" into the Ministry's decisions impacting the U.S. and "temper the tone" of Malaysian rhetoric. He noted, however, that the GOM could not shift its positions dramatically without losing credibility. Ramlan remarked on the importance of both sides working hard to influence Malaysian public opinion. Official Dialogue -------------- ¶4. (C) DAS John encouraged increased official exchanges and suggested the two countries examine a date for the next Senior Strategic Dialogue, possibly in April or May 2007 in Washington. In addition, the coming year, which marks both the 30th anniversary of U.S.-ASEAN relations and Malaysia's 50th independence anniversary, might present opportunities for other senior official exchanges. Noting that Ramlan had yet to see Washington, John urged him to visit the U.S. capital as soon as possible. Both Ghazzali and Ramlan welcomed more contacts and officials visits, particularly those that would fit into the 50th anniversary celebrations. Ramlan endorsed the Strategic Dialogue, but implied that he needed more time in the job before he committed to a time frame. FTA, Technical Cooperation, and Education -------------- ¶5. (C) DAS John discussed the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) negotiations, commenting that the pace of the talks was more of a concern than any substantive issue. Ghazzali described his continuous ombudsman-like role in the FTA process, while Ramlan pledged to be supportive if possible. In other bilateral matters, Ghazzali raised the need to achieve concrete results in technical cooperation, including the proposed science and technology agreement, avian influenza, and customs service dialogue. Ghazzali noted with concern a drop in Malaysian students in the U.S. and a perceived decline in bonds with American universities. The two countries should explore ways to attract more Malaysian students to America for post-graduate studies. Ghazzali expressed his appreciation for the State Department's international visitors program. DAS John noted the U.S.-ASEAN Enhanced Partnership would begin to bring a modest number of ASEAN visitors to the U.S. next year. Regional Issues -------------- ¶6. (C) Turning to regional issues, DAS John expressed appreciation for Malaysia's brokering role in the Mindanao peace process (ref A). The U.S. and Malaysia were working in concert to bring stability to East Timor, where the overall direction and increasing factional nature of politics were of mounting concern. The U.S. welcomed Malaysia's lead role within ASEAN on the Burma issue. The U.S. was working toward a UN Security Council resolution on Burma in December that was not punitive, but included meaningful steps and demonstrated international concern. John also raised prospects for U.S.-Japan-ASEAN trilateral cooperation in areas such as the Heart of Borneo project or in Mindanao. Ghazzali recalled Malaysia's stated interest in offering help on Iraq, possibly through its OIC chairmanship, and he questioned whether the U.S. would take up observer status in the OIC. Internal Politics -------------- ¶7. (C) DAS John discussed the internal political scene with senior Malaysian editors, political analysts and with ethnic Chinese and Malay politicians during his visit. Three senior Malaysian editors representing major English and Malay language publications concurred that the Malaysian press has lost its credibility with local readers due to government control and de facto censorship over political issues. One editor admitted that he steered his publication away for political matters as much as possible. Interesting political KUALA LUMP 00002287 003 OF 004 reporting and commentary had shifted to the internet media sites and blogs, which sometimes present rumors rather than factual journalism. Mahathir, and his opposition to Abdullah's leadership, appeared down but not completely out, according to most Malaysian interlocutors. The editors raised questions regarding Malaysia's long-term competitiveness in an evolving Asia. ¶8. (C) Senior party officials from the Malaysia Chinese Association (MCA) (protect) explained to DAS John their ongoing efforts to calm ethnic Chinese constituents following chauvinistic Malay rhetoric at the UMNO general assembly in mid-November. MCA leaders described their alliance with UMNO as "the lesser of evils." MCA's damage control exercise sought to explain to voters the importance of MCA's role in the UMNO-led National Front coalition, a role that focused on obtaining practical concessions rather than attracting public credit for MCA influence. MCA explained that education remained an overwhelming priority for ethnic Chinese voters and accordingly the struggle for government funding of Chinese schools attracted great attention. ¶9. (C) Ruling UMNO party parliamentarian Shahrir Samad discussed Malaysia's efforts to remain economically competitive, highlighting potential in biotechnology, agriculture, maritime services, medical services and tourism. He questioned the benefits from foreign direct investment in labor intensive industries that employed mostly foreigners. Shahrir noted some "hysteria" surrounding the U.S.-Malaysia Free Trade Agreement talks, although UMNO youth activists were more concerned by issues such as Singaporean and ethnic Chinese ownership in Malaysia's economy. Shahrir stated that "UMNO's platform is nationalism," and cautioned that observers should differentiate UMNO racial rhetoric from actions. If Malays do not feel threatened, either on the basis of race or Islam, they can be quite flexible; UMNO's constituents need to be reassured their interests are protected. ¶10. (C) In a separate meeting, Zaid Ibrahim (protect),a parliamentarian currently under suspension from UMNO, criticized Prime Minister Abdullah's lack of progress in pursuing democratic reforms. He claimed that Abdullah provided each UMNO division with $3 million in GOM contracts in order to maintain their loyalty in the just concluded general assembly. Zaid expressed pessimism that Malaysian politics would change for the better, or away from race-based parties, absent changes in UMNO, which showed no prospects for reform. Zaid concurred with comments from many others that former Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim had little electoral prospect; however, the common wisdom that the Prime Minister Abdullah would call the next general election before Anwar becomes legally eligible to run (i.e., April 2008) indicated Anwar remained a factor. Media Coverage -------------- ¶11. (U) DAS John conducted a lengthy on-camera interview with the RTM government-owned television network and a second interview with the Business Times, a leading English language daily. Both interviews highlighted to the Malaysian public the positive aspects of U.S.-Malaysian relations, the benefits of a future FTA, U.S. engagement with ASEAN, and our efforts to resolve the North Korea nuclear issue. DAS John's RTM interview appeared on the RTM nightly news which has an average audience of some 2.4 million viewers. Comment -------------- ¶12. (C) DAS John's discussions with the Foreign Ministry's Ghazzali and Ramlan gave a strong boost to our bilateral dialogue, and highlighted both the possibilities and constraints in pursuing our priorities with Malaysia. The frank talk of Malaysia's words and diplomatic activities on the world stage, often in opposition to U.S. goals, helped us remind the Foreign Ministry that Malaysia's decisions also should take into account the U.S. reaction. The willingness and openness of both officials to discuss new ways to strengthen ties contrast, unfortunately, with attitudes that predominate elsewhere in the Foreign Ministry and in some other GOM quarters. Discussions on Malaysia's internal scene reinforced the central importance of race and religion in KUALA LUMP 00002287 004 OF 004 party politics, while pointing out the limits of democratic reform in the post-Mahathir era. LAFLEUR