THE STATE OF PRESS FREEDOM IN RWANDA

C O N F I D E N T I A L KIGALI 000480 SIPDIS SIPDIS DEPT FOR AF/C, DRL, AND AF/PD DEPT PASS TO MCC FOR SHERRI KRAHAM AND MATT MCLEAN E.O. 12958: DECL: 05/16/2016 TAGS: PHUM PREL SOCI KDEM KJUS RW SUBJECT: THE STATE OF PRESS FREEDOM IN RWANDA Classified By: PAO Brian George for reasons 1.4(b),(d) -------------- Summary -------------- ¶1. (U) Press freedom in Rwanda--despite the legacy of a media tainted by complicity in the genocide and lingering mistrust between the government and journalists--has in recent years taken root. Several independent radio stations and newspapers currently are operating. While reports of self-censorship are common and many radio stations shy away from hard news, independent outlets frequently criticize the government and rarely face legal repercussions for their reporting. Infringements by law enforcement and security agencies remain problematic but are infrequent. The greatest obstacle to further development of press freedom in Rwanda now probably is structural weaknesses within the independent media for which there are no immediate remedies. The process currently underway to revise the media law and the structure and authorities of the High Council of the Press (HCP)--which is charged both with ensuring respect for press freedom and adherence to media ethics--could go a long way toward improving the media environment in the country. End Summary. ¶2. (U) Embassy Kigali is engaged in an ongoing structured dialogue with the GOR on a broad range of human rights/rule of law issues. As part of this dialogue, Emboffs met on May 5 with GOR officials for an in-depth discussion of press freedom issues. GOR discussants included representatives from the Ministry of Information, Prosecutor General,s office, Ministry of Internal Security, Rwandan National Police (RNP),HCP, and Ministry of Foreign Affairs. During this meeting the GOR expressed its openness to assistance in the form of 1) an external analysis of the draft amended media law (which is about to be taken up by parliament); 2) legislative drafting assistance for parliament to help produce a final version of the media bill; and 3) a review of the functions and structure of the HCP. The GOR also is seeking external assistance to help create a media training center in Kigali to improve the quality and professionalism of working journalists. Our conversations to date have opened the door for substantive action on press freedom issues. If we are to take advantage of this opening, we must act rapidly to identify available resources and mechanisms to meet these assistance needs. -------------- A Legacy of Mistrust -------------- ¶3. (C) The GOR,s distrust of independent media stems from the role played by Radio Libre de Mille Collines and print publications such as "Kangura" in propagating ethnic divisions in advance of the genocide and in encouraging the killing once it began. These media outlets were, in fact, working closely with, and sometimes controlled by, senior officials from the Habyarimana regime or its allies outside government. The story of the genocide-era media is, therefore, as much a cautionary tale about excessive government involvement in the media as it is about the dangers of an independent press. Nonetheless, the RPF Government came to power with a deep suspicion of the media and viewed it as a potential threat to the country,s stability and efforts to root out hostile forces in the region. As a result, the media environment was slow to liberalize. Independent papers that did spring up in the late 1990s and early 2000s were subject to harassment and intimidation and many of their founding editors and journalists went into exile. Frustration with the poor quality and frequent inaccuracy of independent media reports, a lingering sense of insecurity within the government, and a perceived lack of confidence by the GOR in the ability of average Rwandans to make value judgments about the news they receive continue to result in heightened scrutiny of articles and broadcasts critical of the government. ¶4. (C) The difficult environment faced by journalists in the early post-genocide period is reflected in their general distrust of the GOR today. This distrust is reflected also in statements by international human rights organizations such as Reporters without Borders, Amnesty International, and Freedom House, which have, among other criticisms, branded President Kagame a press "predator" and ranked Rwanda among the countries with the least free media in the world. This reporting is often simplistic and tends to ignore both the complexities of the individual cases and contesting versions of events. While the word of the GOR in these cases should not be taken at face value, nor should human rights groups automatically assume that individuals claiming harassment are presenting an accurate version of events. ¶5. (U) Empirical and anecdotal evidence suggest a recent decrease in the level of harassment of Rwandan journalists. Independent Kinyarwandan, English, and French-language publications regularly publish articles critical of the government or individual officials and rarely face repercussions for their statements. No Rwandan newspaper has been subject to more harassment than the Kinyarwanda-language "Umuseso," which saw successive editors and several of its journalists flee the country. Current editor Charles Kabonero himself was found guilty in 2005 of "attacking the dignity of a high authority" and received a one-year suspended prison sentence (he also was brought up on but found not guilty of charges of divisionism). Nonetheless, Kabonero says the climate for his newspaper has never been better. No "Umuseso" editions have been seized in well over a year; there have been no recent reports of harassment against his staff; and an unwritten prohibition against placement of government-sponsored advertisements in the paper (an effective means of starving the outlet financially) has been lifted. Private radio was reintroduced in 2004 and there are now eight private stations operating in the country. While they continue to shy away from sensitive topics such as criticism of the RPF or the military, debates on other topical issues (health, local government, etc.) in the form of in-studio discussions and call-in shows have gained in popularity. Independent journalists remain wary of the government and frequently state that they continue to practice self-censorship, but there is general agreement that the climate has improved noticeably in recent years. -------------- -------------- Institutional Weaknesses of Independent Media -------------- -------------- ¶6. (U) The greatest obstacle to the development of Rwanda,s independent media probably no longer is government harassment but financial weakness. Poverty, illiteracy, and a lack of reading culture severely limit the readership and profitability of Rwandan newspapers. Limited revenues from sales and advertising make it difficult to attract talented reporters and even harder to retain them. The editors of independent "Umuseso" and "Umuco" both report recent reductions of their already small staffs. "Umuco" went from seven reporters to four and also reduced its print run from 4,000 copies to 1,500. The exception to this situation is the pro-government "New Times," which recently became Rwanda,s first daily paper. The "New Times" is able to offer much higher salaries and employ a much larger staff than its competitors despite a relatively small readership. Shareholders in the "New Times" reportedly include senior officials in the current government and other prominent individuals with close ties to the RPF, thus raising questions whether it can be considered a truly independent publication. The high cost of printing in Rwanda adds a further financial burden and makes regular publishing more difficult. As Rwanda,s economy grows, education levels improve, and sales and advertising revenues increase, so too will the quality of journalism. For the foreseeable future, however, financial viability will remain a struggle for independent media. ¶7. (U) Even ardent defenders of Rwanda,s independent media and practicing journalists themselves acknowledge that the quality of journalism is very low. Stories are often poorly sourced and based on rumor or innuendo. Many practicing journalists enter the field in their late teens or early twenties with no more than a secondary education. The National University,s school of journalism was re-established only in 2000 and recently produced its first crop of graduates. With only 15-20 graduates per year--many of whom accept jobs outside the media field--the school has yet to make a significant contribution to the development of Rwanda,s media. Working journalists, the overwhelming number of whom are based in Kigali, find it impractical to travel the 2.5 hours to Butare, where the university is located, to attend classes. The GOR, HCP, and the Association of Rwandan Journalists (ARJ) all support creation of a media training center in Kigali for working journalists, but funding for the center has not yet materialized. ¶8. (U) Internal divisions and weak management skills also have prevented Rwanda,s independent journalists and related organizations such as the ARJ and the Press House from advocating effectively for their interests. The most recent example of bickering within the community is a series of articles written by Shyaka Kanuma, chief editor of the recently established English-language paper, "Focus," accusing Umuseso,s Kabonero of collaborating with a former Rwandan military officer indicted for war crimes to destabilize the country as well as advising a Rwandan asylum-seeker to falsify his statements to UK authorities. Kabonero argues that the articles stem from a long-standing grudge Kanuma holds against Kabonero and "Umuseso," his former employer. -------------- Media Policy -------------- ¶9. (U) The Rwandan cabinet recently approved amendments to the media law to address perceived shortcomings in the current law, which was passed in 2002--principally the failure to adequately delineate responsibilities among the HCP, the courts, the Information Ministry, and other government bodies for enforcing the law. The amendments also provide greater specificity with respect to the nature of criminal offenses identified in the law (e.g., incitement, genocide denial) and the punishments to which violators of these offenses are subject. According to information provided recently by an official from the Information Ministry, the revised bill will also: --Clarify the definition of a journalist and specify the qualifications necessary for accreditation as a journalist in Rwanda; --Introduce for the first time regulations specifically related to the Internet (to protect against pornography, etc.); and --Make legally binding a code of ethics for media practitioners that previously was adopted on a voluntary, non-binding basis by Rwandan journalists. The revised law is expected to be submitted to parliament for consideration once English and French translations of the law have been prepared. ¶10. (U) While the proposed amendments do not appear to address other specific concerns that have been raised by observers (e.g., the broadly worded prohibition against expressing contempt for the President and security forces used by the government to maintain law and order),in practice the most serious infringements of press freedom have resulted from improper implementation of the law or regulations that are found in other sections of Rwanda,s legal code. The Rwandan National Police (RNP),for instance, has broad authority under Rwandan law to take preemptory action on reasonable grounds of suspicion that a crime is to be committed. The RNP has interpreted this authority to include the right to seize newspaper editions that they deem an immediate threat to national security. It was on these grounds that the RNP seized a September 2005 edition of "Umuco." Under the present media law, the HCP has the authority only to recommend seizure of a specific edition as well as suspension or closure of a paper; final decision must be taken by Rwanda,s courts. In the "Umuco" case, the police took action without a recommendation from the HCP and have yet to return the edition in question despite the absence of a court ruling affirming the seizure. -------------- High Council of the Press -------------- ¶11. (U) The body that stands to benefit most from the media law amendments is the HCP, which reportedly will be granted full authority to suspend, close, or take other punitive measures against publications and to revoke the credentials of individual journalists that are found in violation of the media law. These and other proposed changes are likely to empower the HCP while clarifying and streamlining procedures for implementation of the media law. A concurrent revision to the statue governing the HCP reportedly will grant the body more autonomy. The HCP has much work to do, however, to prove to domestic and international critics that it can be trusted with these enhanced powers. ¶12. (U) The first criticism of the HCP, which stems from the fact that it was created by presidential decree and reports to the Office of the President, is reportedly addressed by the proposed changes to the statute governing its structure and financing. A second criticism is that the composition of the Council is weighted in favor of the government. The HCP, which began functioning in 2003, is comprised of nine members: three selected by the government, three representatives elected by independent media, two civil society members, and one government media representative. With four members representing the government, only one more vote is needed to tilt any decisions in its favor. For its part, the HCP has suggested that the number of both government and media representatives be reduced in favor of increased numbers of impartial experts (e.g., lawyers, human rights practitioners). A third criticism of the HCP is that it has, in practice, focused its energy and resources on monitoring Rwanda,s journalists while failing to defend their rights. ¶13. (C) The HCP does dedicate an inordinate amount of its limited resources to conducting detailed monitoring of Rwanda's media. Three of six full-time staff members at the Council are engaged as media monitors assigned the task of reviewing media reports and identifying violations of the media law by journalists or publications. In addition to looking for individual instances of "misreporting," the Council,s staff also prepares regular topical analyses of media coverage (e.g., an annual review of coverage of the genocide). The HCP is less proactive in investigating possible infringements of press freedom. For example, the HCP did not formally investigate whether proper procedures were followed by the RNP and/or Rwandan courts with respect to seizure of the September 2005 edition of "Umuco." While HCP Executive Secretary Patrice Maluma expressed concern that the RNP overstepped its authority (and, more specifically, undermined the authority of the HCP) and, while acknowledging that the courts appear never to have officially sanctioned the seizure, he stated that the HCP did not formally report on the matter. The HCP has in the past conducted investigations into allegations of harassment and intimidation of journalists and noted that improprieties (by law enforcement bodies especially) have occurred. ¶14. (C) Current HCP vice president Immaculee Ingabire has been a lightening rod of criticism, and her actions and statements have reinforced the belief common among Rwanda,s journalists that the HCP is pro-government (note: the first president of the HCP resigned allegedly over frustration with the HCP,s internal divisions and lack of authority; Ingabire has been de facto head of the HCP since his resignation). In a recent discussion with Emboffs, Ingabire responded to allegations that the HCP has failed to adequately represent journalists, interests by stating that the HCP has yet to find a single case in which a journalist,s rights have been violated. Ingabire also was the author of a recent statement to Reporters without Borders rebutting its January 31, 2006 report concerning press freedom in Rwanda. The statement, a staunch defense of President Kagame and the Rwandan government, would have been more appropriate coming from a government ministry rather than what is intended to be an autonomous body. Ingabire,s term of office has officially ended and she will be replaced as soon as the process of appointing new Council members is completed. The new leadership of the HCP may be more inclined to focus on protection of journalists. ¶15. (U) While disappointed by the HCP to date, some independent journalists remain hopeful that the body will, with new leadership, greater autonomy, and increased experience, grow into the role of an effective, independent, respected monitoring body. -------------- Comment -------------- ¶16. (U) The GOR states--probably accurately--that Rwanda,s media has never enjoyed more freedom than it does today. This is true particularly with respect to Rwandan radio, which now has eight independent stations. Progress has been slower in the independent print media which, because of a lack of qualified staff, a weak financial base, and low readership, remains weak and ineffectual. Continued development of press freedom in Rwanda will require a greater degree of trust and mutual respect between journalists and the government--especially segments of the security and law enforcement services; a thickening of skins on both sides; a truly independent, respected, and empowered HCP; greater clarity in the media law and in the Rwandan penal code more generally; and increased professionalism and profitability of independent media outlets. Revisions to the media law and statute governing the HCP currently under consideration by the GOR, combined with the imminent appointment of new members of the HCP, provide an opportune moment for USG engagement on this issue and a genuine chance to further advance press freedom in Rwanda. ARIETTI