HAMAS MUNICIPAL COUNCILS HIGHLIGHT POTENTIAL

C O N F I D E N T I A L JERUSALEM 000256 SIPDIS SIPDIS NEA FOR WELCH/DIBBLE; NSC FOR ABRAMS/DORAN/MUSTAFA E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/20/2016 TAGS: PREL KWBG PGOV PINS PTER KPAL IS SUBJECT: HAMAS MUNICIPAL COUNCILS HIGHLIGHT POTENTIAL CHALLENGES FOR MOVEMENT IN PLC REF: A. 2005 JERUSALEM 05865 ¶B. JERUSALEM 00113 Classified By: Consul General Jake Walles, per reasons 1.4 (b) and (d). ¶1. (C) SUMMARY: In the course of the 2005 local elections, Hamas assumed leadership for several municipal councils in the West Bank and Gaza. Hamas's political priorities and strategies at the municipal level are a strong indicator of the movement's likely priorities after the Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) elections because many of the municipal leaders hail from the same social organizations that top the Hamas district and national lists. Hamas municipal leaders have focused on financial transparency and efficient delivery of services, while emphasizing )- at least publicly -- a separation with the military wing of the movement. Hamas has been highly effective at using the Palestinian municipal system, in which mayors are chosen by the majority vote of municipal councils, to magnify its political influence by allying with other political factions. At the municipal level, Hamas has been weakened by reduced PA funding of municipalities and has sometimes been forced to make unpopular choices such as raising utility bills and local taxes. Attempts to implement a cultural or religious agenda have been limited. Tensions with Fatah have detracted from Hamas's ability to govern effectively in some municipalities. END SUMMARY -------------- Working with Other Factions -------------- ¶2. (C) Hamas has proven remarkably adept at building political alliances at the municipal level. While Hamas gained a majority on four municipal councils in the West Bank in the 2005 series of municipal elections -- Qalqilya, Jenin, Nablus and al-Bireh, the movement has also succeeded in establishing effective political alliances in Ramallah and Bethlehem. In Bethlehem and Ramallah, Hamas municipal council members allied with PFLP and independents to gain a majority on the city councils, joining blocs led by Christian politicians. In the more radicalized enclave of Jenin, Hamas wrested control of the municipal council from Fatah by convincing local Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) leaders to back Hamas instead of putting forward their own list of candidates. -------------- Focus on Fiscal Transparency -------------- ¶3. (C) Initially, local observers and some European diplomats informally lauded Hamas's focus on fiscal responsibility at the municipal level, but the reduction in municipality funding from the central PA budget has forced the movement to implement creative and sometimes unpopular means to generate municipal revenues. In Qalqiliya, the initially popular Deputy Mayor Hashim al-Masri (NOTE: Mayor Wajih Qawais was elected from prison and remains under Israeli administrative detention. END NOTE) faced a public backlash after he doubled utility fees and took steps to enforce revenue collection in an unsuccessful attempt to settle outstanding balances with Israeli owned public utilities. Al-Masri also instructed municipal employees to vacate a building in the center of town so that it could be leased. In an attempt to limit the use of municipal vehicles for personal use, al-Masri placed placards on all of the municipal vehicles so that locals could observe if employees were using the vehicles outside of working hours. The move reportedly reduced the municipality's gasoline bill substantially. (NOTE: The Qalqilya governor told Econoffs in July that the PA was funneling assistance through the governor's office and not through the municipality because of Hamas's majority there. END NOTE) ¶4. (C) In Deir al-Balah, Mayor Ahmad al-Kurd faced similar criticism for his attempts to improve utility fee collections, but combined the effort with a partial amnesty for overdue balances mitigating some of the opposition. In all of the municipalities, attempts to raise local taxes or improve collection have been largely met with opposition and the lack of revenue has prevented the Hamas leadership from implementing major municipal projects. -------------- Limited Focus on Religious Agenda -------------- ¶5. (C) Notably, attempts by Hamas municipal leaders to implement a cultural agenda have been limited and met with criticism. The Qalqiliya municipal council's August 2005 decision to cancel a planned cultural festival and concert by Middle East "Superstar" runner-up Ammar Hassan by banning "outdoor music" and other events that encourage "mingling of the sexes" was met with widespread criticism in the West Bank. While the Qalqiliya municipal council did close a park area near the city zoo that had become a "lover's lane" and center of drug use, the municipal council has not moved to close any of establishments in the city that discreetly sell alcohol in violation of municipal law. (COMMENT: Qalqiliya is a conservative area even by Palestinian standards and most of these steps are probably in line with mainstream community values. END COMMENT). In Bethlehem, municipal council member Hassam al-Masalmeh's election pledge to push for the implementation of Shari'a, or Islamic law, has been largely muted by his alliance Christian and secular politicians. -------------- Social Activists and Technocrats in the Lead -------------- ¶6. (C) Nearly, all of the Hamas municipal leaders are associated with the social, rather than the military wing of the movement, and have emphasized this separation in their dealings with reporters, NGO workers and UN observers. In Nablus the municipal council members are closely linked to the Scholars of Palestine, a Hamas affiliated think tank and charitable organization. In Deir al-Balah, Ahmad al-Kurd campaigned on his track record as head of the Salah Welfare Organization, a large charitable organization with a multi-million dollar budget. (NOTE: The Hamas district and national list includes many individuals from these two organizations (ref A) END NOTE. ) As mayor, al-Kurd has implemented a campaign to beautify the city, improve roads, plant trees and improve trash pick-up. Most local observers point to Deir al-Balah as the most successful experiment in Hamas-led municipal government. -------------- Troubles with Fatah -------------- ¶7. (C) Hamas's inability to coordinate with armed Fatah factions or the Fatah dominated PASF have been a persistent problem in some municipal districts. In Qalqiliya, PASF leaders have complained of tensions with the Hamas-led municipal council, especially in the lead up to the PLC elections, and the lack of coordination between the two governmental bodies has contributed to a general sense of lawlessness in the municipality. In Beit Hanoun, Fatah-affiliated al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades (AMB) gunmen attacked the municipal building on January 7, invading the municipal compound and starting fires on the grounds(ref B). -------------- Comment -------------- ¶8. (C) Hamas's strength in the run up to the PLC elections masks a short track record in governance and mixed success at delivering on election pledges to improve the lives of citizens. At the municipal level, Hamas has shown itself a savvy political party capable of working with a variety of factions to maximize its influence and willing to mute its religious agenda for political reasons. Hamas efforts to tackle crippling fiscal problems while confronting the reduction of funding from the PA budget, due to the PA's dire financial situation and specific decisions to funnel more local funding through governorate offices. Tensions between Hamas and the PASF could play out on a grander scale once the movement gains a voice in deciding national issues that directly affect powerful security chiefs and confronts possible demands from the PA to dismantle or silence its armed wing. WALLES