Identifier
Created
Classification
Origin
06DHAKA866
2006-02-16 08:48:00
CONFIDENTIAL
Embassy Dhaka
Cable title:  

JAMAATUL MUJAHEDIN AND LAW AND ORDER IN RAJSHAHI

Tags:  PTER KISL PGOV BD BG BGD 
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C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 DHAKA 000866 

SIPDIS

SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 02/14/2016
TAGS: PTER KISL PGOV BD BG BGD
SUBJECT: JAMAATUL MUJAHEDIN AND LAW AND ORDER IN RAJSHAHI

Classified By: A/DCM D.C. McCullough, Reason(s): 1.4 (b)

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 DHAKA 000866 SIPDIS SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 02/14/2016 TAGS: PTER KISL PGOV BD BG BGD SUBJECT: JAMAATUL MUJAHEDIN AND LAW AND ORDER IN RAJSHAHI Classified By: A/DCM D.C. McCullough, Reason(s): 1.4 (b) ¶1. (C) Summary: Residents of Rajshahi told poloff that Jamaatul Mujahedin Bangladesh (JMB) were once considered favorably when, at first, JMB fought back against the Sharbahara, "leftist" criminals who had plagued citizens for decades. However, the JMB began demanding money for their protection and eventually attacked the citizens who did not join their cause. Poloff spoke to police, local leaders, and university professors on local perceptions of JMB. Poloff's discussion with members of Ahle Hadith Andolan about JMB and Dr. Ghalib, who has been arrested for alleged connections with JMB terrorists, will be the subject of septel. End Summary. THE RISE OF THE SHARBAHARA ========================== ¶2. (C) For years, according to local journalists and officials, the Rajshahi area has been victimized by bands of "leftist" criminals. The Rajshahi Division's (the equivalent of a province) top police officer, Deputy Inspector General Bahural Alam, told poloff that "for 30 to 40 years" the Sharbahara victimized Rajshahi residents. At first, JMB were welcomed for fighting back against the Sharbahara, but very soon afterwards resorted to demanding protection money, and fell out of favor, he said. ¶3. (C) Sharbahara means "proletariat" in Bangla, and came to be referred to as "leftists" due to their frequent use of leftist political terminology. Rajshahi University sociology professor Mizanuddin told poloff that history and geography contributed to the rise of both the Sharbahara and JMB. The Rajshahi area, he said, was prone to radicalization due to poverty from the lack of good roads for getting goods to market, and, after the India/Pakistan partition, many West Bengal Muslims came to Rajshahi with an exposure to Communism and a "Pakistani view of Islam." THE SHARBAHARA STRIKE ===================== ¶6. (C) Two local officials, each a supporter of one of the main parties, Awami League and BNP, had each been assaulted by the Sharbahara or JMB. Adding to Mizanuddin's social reasons for lawlessness, they told poloff that there simply are not enough police for the area. ¶7. (C) BNP Chair of the Tahirpur Municipality A.N. Shamsur Rahman described his attack by the Sharbahara last year. He said that whi
le walking to his municipal office, four criminals attacked him in broad daylight. He said the Sharbahara typically operate in larger groups of up to 16 people, use iron bars to subdue their victims, and then "slaughter" their victims by slitting their throats. Echoing others that poloff spoke with, he complained that the Sharbahara operated with impunity owing to the remoteness of the area, the lack of sufficient police, and the inability of the government to exert its authority. As the Chairman of a fast growing municipality, he complained that he has the same number of staff they had six years ago. ¶8. (C) Rahman reported that during the night while poloff was in Rajshahi, a known Rajshahi-based JMB supporter was killed, but that it was not terrorism, only retribution. The supporter, whom Rahman named as Omar Ali, was at one time a Sharbahara, but switched to JMB. Now that the police are actively pursuing JMB, Rahman said, the Sharbahara returned to kill JMB and their supporters. ¶9. (C) When JMB first launched their attacks against the Sharbahara, many of the residents supported the JMB, said Rahman. But by mid-2004, "JMB started to do bad things and started to attack innocent people," and caused the populace to distance themselves from the JMB. He added that he saw no difference between JMB and Bangla Bhai, additional police are needed to comb the area, RAB-5 based in Rajshahi should be re-deployed to remote areas, and that the local police forces are insufficient for the job. ¶10. (C) Asked about the whereabouts of JMB, Rahman claimed that local people and local police all know where JMB terrorists are located, but keep quiet for fear of retribution. He said that a number of local people have sought legal firearms but firearms are only permitted to those who can prove they have paid 200,000 taka (3,300 USD) in taxes, an enormous sum by Bangladeshi standards. ¶11. (C) In response to poloff's question about national elections, Rahman said that despite the economy gradually improving, crime and law and order issues are the major concern in the Rajshahi area. "Many people are afraid of both groups of hoodlums," and are afraid of walking even in daylight, he said. Rahman showed poloff the place where he had been assaulted by Sharbahara, a wide open street near his home. He asked, "If a government officer is not safe here, how can the average citizen feel safe?" JMB SEEKS MEMBERS ================= ¶12. (C) Poloff met with Moqbal Hossain, Chairman of the Sreepur Union Council. (The Union Council is the smallest level of Bangladesh government.) Hossain said that he considers April 1,2004, as the day that JMB emerged to fight against the "leftist" Sharbaharas, also known as the PBCP (Purbo Banglar Communist Party). Poloff talked to him at his home, accessible only after a 15-minute walk from the nearest road, and surrounded by his relatives, who he said are there for mutual protection. ¶13. (C) Hossain told poloff that JMB tried to recruit him and then when he refused, tried to assassinate him. Before JMB started their vigilante campaign in 2004, Hossain said that JMB's Bangla Bhai and Abdur Rahman called and asked him to join them. Hossain said he met with them but refused, citing that he was a AL supporter, so he can't join them. Both approached him again and insisted. Rebuffed a second time, they then asked for a financial contribution of 20,000 taka, and he refused. Soon afterward, Hossain said, JMB kidnapped one of the Union's commissioners (town board member),taking him to their training camp. Hossain said that he went to the camp, taking 25,000 taka with him for ransom. They had tortured the commissioner by hanging him from his arms for hours, and intended it to be a message to others who do not join them. ¶14. (C) Later, on February 22, 2005, Hossain said he was returning home from his Union office, 12 people assaulted him. Hossain said that he escaped by jumping into a pond as the JMB fired weapons at him. People in a nearby mosque heard the gunshots and using the loudspeaker warned the townspeople that their Chairman had been attacked. The fleeing attackers hurled bombs, but three of them were captured by villagers, with one villager dead. Hossain said that police did nothing, even though he gave their names of his attackers to police. ¶15. (C) Hossain recounted that when JMB began their attacks on the Sharbahara, the local townspeople were elated. However, within weeks, the JMB started to demand money from the townspeople for protection. While police at first helped and cooperated with JMB in their campaign against the Sharbahara, now, "we really don't understand" if police are still working with JMB cadres. BNP/JI SUPPORTS JMB? ==================== ¶16. (C) Sociology professor Mizanuddin described the Rajshahi area as a BNP stronghold (the BNP controls 10 of 11 Rajshahi city Parliamentary seats),and said that at first the BNP wanted to use the Sharbahara leftists to control the area politically through intimidation, but later lost control of them. The BNP then created the JMB as a replacement for the leftists, he said. ¶17. (C) Asked about JMB's ties with the BNP coalition partner Jamaat Islami (JI),Professor Mizanuddin described JI as being a "smart" political party, as they never are directly connected to any terrorist group, but use their influence and power to establish relationships and infrastructure for the support of terrorists. He said that they built and rent out houses, built hospitals, and employed people in order to have a network of supporters. "Ten percent of the people support them" as they are very organized with a tightly knit system, he said. They established this underground support system as a result of the war of liberation when JI, going against popular sentiment, refused to support the war against Pakistan, and were "forced to go underground." Many of JI's methods and contacts were forged during this time, he said. ¶18. (C) Union Council Chair Hossain said that as far as he was concerned, JMB and JI are the same. He said that many of the local JMB cadres, when JMB was banned by the government, simply told people that there were not JMB but JI. He alleged that the police and BNP government forces know where JMB supporters are and where Bangla Bhai can be found. He said that he told local police where the three JMB training camps were located, but they did nothing. He charged that even the local press know of the whereabouts of JMB cadre but do nothing. He said that he once told police where cadres were operating but it was hours later that police acted, and by then the cadres were gone. He said that BNP ministers protect JMB, alleging that they gave direct orders to JMB cadres. He said that while everyone knows who attacked him, nothing has been done to arrest the perpetrators, some of whom were Sharbahara and now part of JMB. When asked about Ahle Hadith involvement with JMB, he said that while some JMB may be Ahle Hadith members, not all of Ahle Hadith support JMB. ¶19. (C) When poloff asked Deputy Inspector General of Police Bahural Alam who supported JMB, he responded that captured JMB followers said their main source of funds was from thefts of NGOs during 2001 through 2004. Now it is from tolls and protection money. He added that many JMB were angry at NGOs that provided micro-credit to women, enabling the women to earn cash, stirring jealousies among the men. He estimated that there were about 8,000 to 10,000 JMB supporters/sympathizers nation-wide and that madrasahs and mosques were the prime recruiting ground for the young 20-ish men. He said that the items his men have found were made in India and smuggled into Bangladesh along the many foot and cattle paths in this area. He showed samples of chemicals (e.g. Pyric Acid and Lead Nitrate) seized in raids which can be easily found in local shops, he said. He believed that the Sharbahara and the JMB members "switched camps" in an informal way. He described it as the Sharbahara members would approach JMB members and in a "I like your work manner" offer to cooperate. Only appointed recently, he said that if knew the location of JMB members now, he would certainly arrest them. ¶20. (SBU) Comment: Poloff's interlocutors freely used "JMB" to refer to both JMJB, Bangla Bhai, and its related organization, JMB. Some changes have come to Rajshahi. FSN accompanying poloff remarked that there are a lot more bridges over the Padma River now then even ten years ago. Now many of the mud houses have galvanized roofs, and bananas, rather than sugar cane and jute, are being grown for cash CHAMMAS

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