TABLIGH-E-JAMAAT: ISLAMIC REVIVALISM STRIKING DEEP

S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 05 DHAKA 003538 SIPDIS SIPDIS STATE FOR INR E.O. 12958: DECL: 06/11/2016 TAGS: PGOV PINR PINS PTER BG SUBJECT: TABLIGH-E-JAMAAT: ISLAMIC REVIVALISM STRIKING DEEP ROOTS IN BANGLADESH Classified By: Ambassador Patricia Butenis; reason 1.4(d) ¶1. (S) Summary. Tabligh-e-Jamaat (TJ) is a transnational Islamic missionary movement that has deep roots in Bangladesh. Its followers here probably number in the millions, and the organization's influence extends to every corner of the country. The most unique feature of TJ is its emphasis on dawa (missionary work) undertaken by laymen organized into small groups (jamaats) that conduct 40 days of itinerant preaching (chillas). Much has been written about Tablighi revivalism, but very little on TJ in Bangladesh. Based primarily on poloff tdyer's interactions with Tablighis, this cable is an initial attempt to establish a baseline on the subject. ¶2. (S) TJ-Bangladesh is overseen by a 12-member collective leadership, or shura, that lives at Kakrail mosque, a beehive of religious fervor in downtown Dhaka. Belying the impression that TJ is organizationally challenged, poloff discovered an intricate and effective organizational network based on madrassa ties, kinship networks (gushti),and a shared dedication to the Tablighi mission. All who participate in Bangladeshi chillas start and finish at Kakrail. Foreigners from dozens of countries were residing at Kakrail on the several occasions that poloff visited. Poloff then participated in a local chilla for 24 hours. This brief foray into the largely subterranean Tablighi world revealed only the most positive aspects of a movement that is wildly popular, avowedly apolitical, and concerned solely with the salvation of Muslims. That was no surprise. As we have learned in other countries, however, Tablighi can become a target of opportunity for Islamic radicals who use the organization to advance their own anti-western agendas. Most Tablighis here are extremely naive about worldly matters and present an easy target for unscrupulous elements to dupe. ¶3. Bangladeshi press reports have alleged that terrorists filter through Kakrail, but the rumors are unsubstantiated. Bangladeshi Tablighis are aware of the potential for problems, however, as evidenced by the screening that chilla participants allegedly go through in their home countries and at Kakrail and the meticulous records that are kept on foreigners arriving on chilla. Moreover, Tablighis are well aware of western suspicions of the organization because of the difficulty they have obtaining visas for Islamic missionary work. That said, the organization bears careful watching to ensure that its activities are confined to dawa alone. End summary. A WIDESPREAD BUT LITTLE STUDIED MOVEMENT IN BANGLADESH -------------- -------------- ¶4. (C) Tabligh-e-Jamaat (TJ, also known as Jamaat-i-Tabligh in most countries) is a transnational Islamic missionary movement that has deep roots in Bangladesh. Its followers here probably number in the millions, and Bangladeshis from all walks of life are attracted to the simple instruction of its founder: "o Musalmano, Musalman bano" ("o Muslims, become good Muslims"). Formed in 1926 in northern India, the movement was a counter to aggressive Hindu and Christian proselytizing among "backsliding" Muslims who did not adhere to or were unaware of the basic tenets of Islam and were easy prey for other faiths. Although Tablighis certainly welcome newcomers to the faith, their focus is reawakening Muslims and purifying the faith, not conversion. TJ appeals to Sunni Muslims of any sectarian persuasion by emphasizing the importance of elementary religious rituals such as five daily prayers and reciting the profession of faith (shahada). ¶5. (C) The most unique feature of TJ is its emphasis on dawa (missionary work) undertaken by laymen organized into small groups (jamaats) that conduct 40 days of itinerant preaching (chillas). TJ proselytizers reach out to every corner of Bangladesh, and the Biswas Ijtema (global gathering) convened annually on the outskirts of Dhaka is the world's second largest Islamic conclave after the hajj. Although it remains a South Asia-based movement with a strong following in many parts of the subcontinent, TJ also has caught on in a major way in Southeast Asia, Africa, and among Muslim minorities in Europe and North America. Indeed, DHAKA 00003538 002 OF 005 Bangladeshis who have the financial wherewithal to conduct foreign travel love to list the countries where they have gone on chilla. Many affluent Bangladeshis, it appears, have gone on missions to the United States. According to knowledgeable Bangladeshi observers, TJ's revivalist message resonates across all social strata from humble peasants to lower middle class urbanites to pious sections of the elite and professional classes. TJ appears to have particular appeal among scientists, lower level bureaucrats, and sections of the military. ¶6. (S) Much has been written about Tablighi revivalism elsewhere. Moreover, the US intelligence community has standing collection requirements against Tablighi activities around the world to determine whether TJ branches serve as witting or unwitting accomplices of international terrorists who use the organization's global connections to recruit members and travel under the cover of missionary work. Very little is known about TJ operations in Bangladesh, however. Consequently, this cable is an initial attempt to establish an analytical baseline. Sources used include press and intelligence reporting, interviews with Bangladeshi academics, an unpublished field study written by a US academic contractor, and the firsthand observations of poloff tdyer who ventured into the TJ nerve center in Bangladesh and accompanied a chilla. Organization, Politics, and the Role of Women -------------- ¶7. (C) At first glance, TJ appears to lack coherent organization. It has no membership rolls or mailing lists, no written constitution or bylaws, no fundraising apparatus, no computers, and no slick publicity. The central headquarters is in Nizamuddin in Delhi, and the major subsidiary hubs are in Raiwand outside Lahore and at the Kakrail mosque in downtown Dhaka. TJ-Bangladesh is overseen by a 12-member collective leadership, or shura, that lives at Kakrail. These elders convene consultative sessions (mashuras) that decide the composition of jamaats, chart chilla destinations, and guide TJ activities around the country. According to a contractor study, the Bangladeshi shura consists of retired professionals with modern educations--including a CEO of the largest Islamic NGO in the health sector-- and clerics and Islamic scholars (ulema) with modest theological credentials. Poloff tdyer met three shura members. They included a renowned heart surgeon who devoted most of his time to the organization and two white-bearded former businessmen who lead an ascetic lifestyle in total dedication to the Tablighi cause. As during the hajj, pilgrims all dress in simple Islamic garments and sport beards and skull caps, making it impossible to pick out those who are well-heeled or highly educated. Tablighis of all nationalities welcomed poloff (a non-muslim) with open arms. ¶8. (C) Belying the impression that TJ is organizationally challenged, poloff discovered an intricate and effective organizational network that has been perfected over decades. Madrassa ties, kinship networks (gushti),and a shared dedication to the Tablighi mission provide organizational cohesion in the absence of a formal structure. Subordinate TJ branches are based in outlying mosques (markazes, or centers) and headed by a local leader (amir) elected by consensus (ijma). These units in turn oversee other participating mosques in a given neighborhood, town, or village. The organizers of these local units are required to spend every Thursday night in the markaz where the shura discusses chilla invitations and relays news of local jamaats to the Kakrail shura. Poloff inspected Kakrail lists showing the destination and duration of every chilla in Bangladesh and a visa recommendation letter that shura members supply foreign Tablighis prior to applying for a Bangladeshi visa. In short, there is a lot more organization to TJ than meets the eye. ¶9. (C) TJ in Bangladesh is clearly a man's world and a bastion of conservative Islamic values. Poloff was told about a TJ women's wing that also conducts missionary work, but it is a modest effort. Women cannot access the network of TJ mosques where almost all missionary activities are centered, and many Tablighi women are further disadvantaged because they observe strict purdah. TJ theology is based on DHAKA 00003538 003 OF 005 nineteenth century sufi revivalist teachings that flourished in Bengal and eventually formed the conservative deobandi school of Islam. In matters of religious beliefs and practices, TJ emphasizes taqlid (following established schools of Islamic law) over ijtihad (independent reasoning). Tablighi commentaries are intended only as supplements to the Koran and Sunnah. Ever since its inception, TJ has scrupulously avoided politics and political controversies--a stance that has earned the organization immense respect in this society where passionate, zero-sum politics are the norm. According to the US academic study, those Bangladeshi Tablighis who bother to vote probably do not support any one party. All of the Tablighis poloff interacted with had no interest in world affairs or politics. Politicians from almost all parties voice support for Tablighi activities, and the organization carried on even when Islamic parties were banned following independence in 1971. All Roads Lead to Kakrail -------------- ¶10. (C) All who participate in Bangladeshi chillas start and finish at Kakrail. This mosque is a veritable beehive of religious fervor. A continuous stream of lay missionaries from all over the world and from every corner of Bangladesh circulates through the five-story, dilapidated complex. New arrivals are vetted and instructed for three or more days in the Tabligh path before they form into small jamaats of at least 10 men and are sent on chilla. Several Tablighis estimated that Kakrail houses about 1,500 pilgrims on any given day, with several times that number on the road. Owing to language barriers and the special requirements of foreign Tablighis who are not accustomed to the hardships of daily life in Bangladesh, residents set up housekeeping and form jamaats according to language and nationality, but Bangla-speaking interpreters and chaperones always accompany foreign jamaats. A majority of the pilgrims at Kakrail are Bangladeshis who occupy every inch of floor space when sleeping and praying. Foreigners have separate halls and toilet facilities that are equally spartan. Foreigners from dozens of countries were residing at Kakrail on the several occasions that poloff visited. One room housed Urdu speakers from India and Pakistan; another housed Arabs from Yemen, Egypt, and, because their second language was Arabic, a large contingent of Chinese Uighurs; yet another room housed Indonesians, Thais, Rohingyas, and Filipinos. The most diverse group was English speakers (many of them part of the South Asian diaspora) from the UK, Australia, South Africa, Nigeria, Kenya, and elsewhere. Poloff sat in on several instructional lectures (talim) that were translated into one or more languages, and the basic Tablighi curriculum (nisab) is available in multiple languages. ¶11. (C) Arriving pilgrims report to a ramshackle mosque office where they surrender their passport and valuables. Handwritten ledgers that officials gladly invited poloff tdyer to inspect record the "brother's" name, nationality, passport number, and visa expiration date. A quick perusal of the books revealed foreigners from every corner of the earth, including more than a few Amcits. A brother is then issued a primitive, hand-stamped identification card. Kakrail has a crude kitchen and mess hall where pilgrims consume two basic meals per day from communal dishes set on the floor. Residents can supplement their diets outside the mosque, but all are discouraged from indulging in frivolous pursuits such as newspapers, television, and sightseeing. These are considered worldly matters (duniya) that detract from a Tablighi pilgrim's sole focus on religion (din). TJ elders look the other way, however, when foreigners arrive with cell phones. Tablighis are expected to bear their own chilla expenses. When asked about the cost of running the Kakrail operation, principals denied any fundraising activities, explaining that matters of duniya are in Allah's hands. One Tablighi allowed, however, that an adjoining bathing facility was underwritten by the previous Awami League government to burnish its Islamic credentials. Going on Chilla -------------- ¶12. (C) Poloff participated in a local chilla for 24 hours DHAKA 00003538 004 OF 005 to gain insight into the workings of Tabligh in Bangladesh. The Kakrail shura had to approve this unusual request, so poloff befriended a Bangladeshi-American cab driver from Brooklyn who acted as go-between and vouched for poloff's good character. The young cabby presented the poloff's case during the morning mashura, and the elders agreed to the plan after careful deliberation. Following a religious talk (bayan) and mid-day prayers, two Kakrail elders whisked poloff into an autorickshaw that transported the trio to a small mosque nestled in the rabbit-warren streets of the Wari section of old Dhaka. The chilla already in progress there included eight second-generation UK Tablighis of Indian and Pakistani origin and two young Bangladeshi doctors who acted as interpreters. The two elders who accompanied poloff stayed overnight at the mosque to check on the chilla's progress and make sure their US embassy guest was comfortable. The language of this jamaat was English, though some of the UK lads also conversed with Bangladeshis in Urdu, a language that is widely understood in old Dhaka. The UK brothers hailed from various English cities. They were all in their twenties, and included an optometrist, a maulana, a soccer coach, and students. All were well grounded in Islam because of their lifelong attendance at maktabs (religious schools) that followed the normal school day in the British state education system. All were happy to explain anything poloff asked about TJ beliefs and practices. ¶13. (C) The rhythms of a jamaat vary little from one day to the next, so poloff's observations of a full 24-hour cycle probably are representative of a typical day on chilla. Bangladeshi Tablighis travel village to village on foot, but foreigners use local transport to travel between markazes. The day begins at 0400 with a mashura to plan the day's activities, assign washing and cooking chores, and review the requirements of a particular Islamic ritual to ensure that all the brothers have the requisite knowledge (ilm) to instruct Bangladeshis in the ways of the faith. At various points in the day poloff participated in discussions on proper Islamic "etiquette" involving ablutions, eating, and sleeping. One brother would review the fine points. Then, one after the other, the brothers would repeat the procedures to drive home the lesson. Other such sessions featured readings in English from the Tablighi nisab and strategy sessions to determine the best way to convince the locals to sign up for a chilla. Every action and word is geared to deepening one's faith and proselytizing. ¶14. (C) TJ has six core principles that chilla participants stress in everything they do throughout the 40 days. Poloff observed how pilgrims put these concepts into action. The points include: belief in the profession of faith ("there is only one god and Muhammad is his prophet"); scrupulous observance of the five daily prayers (salat),and often optional prayers as well; remembrance of the prophet (dikr) and knowledge of Islam (ilm); respect for one's fellow man, particularly Muslims (ikram); sincerity of intention and honesty; and, of course, dawa. ¶15. (C) Following morning prayers, a short nap, and a simple meal eaten from the communal dish, the brothers set out in the neighborhood to call on residents in the fashion of Jehovah's witnesses. The jamaat splits up into small groups so as to cover more territory on foot. Poloff accompanied the optometrist on his rounds and called on several shopkeepers and householders who local Tablighis had identified as candidates for dawa. The conversations were in Urdu over the customary tea and snacks and introductions of children and co-workers (but no contact with women, of course). Conversation centered on the six points and concluded with an invitation to the Tablighi sermon that night following evening prayers at the mosque. Attendance at that session was excellent. Each brother delivered a sermon that was translated for the benefit of the congregation. After several hours of exhortation and prayer, audience members were invited to stand up and commit to a chilla at a time of their choosing. That night's appeal was particularly lucrative. Some 14 believers signed up. Religious discussions went on until late in the evening when the brothers ate supper, laid out their bedrolls and mosquito netting on the mosque floor and retired for a four-hour night's sleep. A typical day in a chilla thus is grueling and narrowly focused DHAKA 00003538 005.2 OF 005 on the tasks of spreading the message of Islam and deepening one's own faith. Comment -------------- ¶16. (S) This brief foray into the largely subterranean Tablighi world revealed only the most positive aspects of a movement that is wildly popular, avowedly apolitical, and by all appearances concerned solely with the salvation of Muslims. That was no surprise. As we have learned in other countries, however, Tabligh can become a target of opportunity for Islamic radicals who use the organization to advance their own anti-western agendas. Most Tablighis here are extremely naive about worldly matters and present an easy target for unscrupulous elements to dupe. Bangladeshi press reports following the 17 August nationwide bombings have alleged that terrorists filter through Kakrail, but the rumors are unsubstantiated. Bangladeshi Tablighis are aware of the potential for problems, however, as evidenced by the screening that chilla participants allegedly go through in their home countries and at Kakrail and the meticulous records that are kept on foreigners arriving on chilla. Moreover, Tablighis are well aware of Western suspicions of the organization because of the difficulty they have obtaining visas for Islamic missionary work. That said, the organization bears careful watching to ensure that its activities are confined to dawa alone. BUTENIS