YNNA HOLDINGS: A MULTI-NATIONAL MANAGED BY

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 CASABLANCA 000418 SIPDIS SIPDIS STATE FOR NEA/MAG AND NEA/OFI E.O. 12958: DECL: 03/20/2016 TAGS: ECON EFIN EIND MO SUBJECT: YNNA HOLDINGS: A MULTI-NATIONAL MANAGED BY ISLAMIC PRINCIPLES? REF: A. 05 CASABLANCA 01220 ¶B. 05 RABAT 01159 Classified By: Principal Officer Douglas Greene for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d) -------------- SUMMARY: -------------- ¶1. (C) SUMMARY: Ynna Holdings -- one of Morocco's largest and most successful privately owned industrial and financial groups -- is a family-owned multi-national with business practices strongly influenced by Islamic principles. Ynna-owned supermarkets and hotels sell neither alcohol nor tobacco. The company avoids paying interest on loans by financing most of its ventures from its own resources. Founder Miloud Chaabi celebrates his modest beginnings and takes pride in having assembled his empire without close governmental or royal connections. However, some critics argue Ynna Holdings succeeds precisely because of its associations with the Moroccan royal, political and business elite. Observers question the intertwined relationship between Ynna Holdings and the royally-controlled conglomerate Omnium Nord Africain (ONA) as well as the overtly political nature of Chaabi's own family. Miloud Chaabi himself is an "independent" Member of Parliament (MP) representing his home district near Essaouira. His daughter is the well-known Mayor of Essaouira. In addition, one son is Mayor of Soussi (Rabat) and another is an MP with the Islamist Party of Justice and Development (PJD). Despite some negative opinions held by some in the business community, Miloud Chaabi enjoys a national reputation among the Moroccan public as a self-made "man of the people." He is widely respected for his business acumen, his philanthropic endeavors and his commitment to religion. End Summary. YNNA: A MODERN "ISLAMIC" COMPANY? ¶2. (C) Miloud Chaabi began building Ynna when he was twenty-one years old by founding a real estate company in Kenitra (that has since become one of the largest in Morocco). Since then, his holdings have grown to include over a dozen companies in five different countries with more than 12,000 employees. Today Ynna is comprised of three operational pillars: 1) real estate and construction, 2) industrial holdings and 3) emerging sectors (currently distribution and tourism). Miloud Chaabi's industrial holdings serve mostly Moroccan domestic demand; he only exports to countries without local competition. Internationally, the company operates much like a private equity group, buying local companies and restructuring them. The Chaabi Group officially became Ynna Holdings in 1986. Ynna is Berber for 'Mother" and Miloud Chaabi renamed his group as a homage "to all mothers." The new name also reflects how he sees Ynna's relationship with subsidiary companies (maternal and nurturing),in contrast to the patriarchal (strict and domineering) culture found among many Moroccan firms. ¶3. (C) Omar Chaabi, Miloud Chaabi,s young, U.S.-educated son, is a senior executive in the family business. Consistent with his modern marketing background, he sports a business card with the title &Change Manager.8 He bristles at attempts to categorize Ynna as "Islamic," describing such claims as exaggerated and overblown. For example, he characterizes Ynna's decision not to sell alcohol or tobacco in its hotels and supermarkets as a reflection of personal principle, not dogmatic religious belief. "Even gangsters have principles," he joked to econoff. Moreover, Omar Chaabi reminded, "selling alcohol to Muslims is against the law in Morocco anyway," a pointed reference to competitors that openly sell alcool to Muslims and non-Muslims alike (and link thmselves precariously to a corrupt enforcement systm in the process). He argues that firms operatingin the Arab world need to adapt to the Muslim maket, which is different from the West. "Sure, i might not work in the U.S. or Europe," he conceed to econoff, "but in Morocco the market existsfor hotels and supermarkets that reflect culturalvalues." Omar Chaabi made the point that many Westrn firms fail in the Middle East and North Afric precisely because they resist adapting to the clture. "We can sell lots of things" he conclude, "why sell things that hurt people?" ¶4. (C) Oservers also point to Miloud Chaabi's unwillingnss to pay interest as evidence of Islamic princiles influencing his business practices. Again, hi CASABLANCA 00000418 002 OF 004 son is dismissive and explains the decision is purely practical. "You can't build a business on bank money," he argues, citing interests rates of more than 8%. "It is cheaper to finance projects ourselves; it makes us more competitive." Omar Chaabi recounted to econoff a story his father tells of seeing his banker lounging by the pool of his hotel in Marrakech with a cigar and a drink. "I can't believe I work for him," the elder Chaabi realized, and decided to avoid borrowing money as much as possible. "If you ask people who don't know my father to draw a picture of him," Omar Chaabi explained, "people will draw a picture of a Mullah with a long beard, but my father is not like that. He doesn't have a beard and he plays golf every day. He's a very modern guy." ¶5. (C) Miloud Chaabi himself projects a much more conservative image than his son portrayed. During a private lunch with the Ambassador on March 27, Miloud Chabbi addressed the question of Ynna as an Islamic company by expounding authoritatively on Islamic history. He explained how the great Islamic empires failed because those regimes "drifted away from their Islamic principles." Speaking in Arabic and quoting the Koran, Miloud described Islam as a religion founded in "peace justice and human rights." However, he described a vision of justice incorporating "an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth." "How can a society function without justice?" he asked. As to his company's Islamic influences, Miloud Chaabi was unimpressed with the potential profits he sacrifices by not selling alcohol or tobacco. "I'm not a fundamentalist," he insists, "If I am out at a business dinner and my guests order alcohol, I will pay for it. Not selling alcohol is just our way of doing things." ¶6. (C) Miloud Chaabi explained further to the Ambassador that his hotel in Essaouira hosts a Jewish group every year that brings in its own food and alcohol. "I have no problem with that," he said, arguing the group stays with him because of the quality of service his hotels provide. "They could stay in Azoulay's hotel," Miloud Chaabi boasted, (referring to the Sofitel hotel owned by the prominent Jewish palace advisor Andre Azoulay),"but instead they stay at mine." He argued (like his son) that a market exists for Islamic enterprises. Miloud Chaabi went on to say that "Americans need to throw away their cowboy hats" when looking to invest in the Middle East and North Africa. "It's different here," he explained, and by way of example described Ynna's approach to corruption. "Everyone in the West talks about how Egypt is so corrupt, but I have been there for years and never paid a bribe," he insisted. Miloud Chaabi argued that bribe-seekers "know who to look for," and that his company's reputation for integrity means he never gets hassled. When the Ambassador pointed out that Ynna's considerable size and influence might contribute to that as well, Miloud Chaabi responded that even the smallest U.S. companies can "call on the U.S. Ambassador to help them...that is a powerful privilege, too." YNNA RELATIONSHIP WITH GOVERNMENT AND PALACE ¶7. (C) Miloud Chaabi is proud of his modest beginnings and &up from the bootstraps8 &self-made man8 story. He takes pride in expanding his business ostensibly without strong government or royal connections, despite his family's active role in politics and his company's intertwined relationship with ONA, the royally controlled conglomerate. To demonstrate Ynna,s "independence", company officials boast that it is the only Moroccan company to successfully sue the Moroccan tax authority. Omar Chaabi jokes that Ynna may be the only company in Morocco that "pays all of its taxes." Despite these claims, some remain unconvinced. As several Casablanca-based contacts cryptically observed "no business succeeds in Morocco against the wishes of the Palace." YNNA AND ONA: AN ARRANGED MARRIAGE? ¶8. (C) Omar Chaabi describes Ynna's relationship with the royal family-controlled conglomerate ONA (ref A) succinctly: "They are our biggest client, our biggest competitor and our biggest supplier." When asked about the obvious conflicts of interest implicit in that arrangement, he was mildly evasive: "that's never been a problem." Ynna also conducts 90% of its banking with Attijariwafa bank, (ref B) which is majority owned by ONA. Ynna's cagey responses to questions about its relationship with ONA give credence to criticism that Ynna is yet another "makhzen" (a Moroccan term for the circle of CASABLANCA 00000418 003 OF 004 elites close to the king) enterprise and not so independent from the Moroccan royal, political, and business elite as company officials would like people to think. YNNA AND MOROCCAN POLITICS: A FAMILY AFFAIR? ¶9. (C) Although Miloud Chaabi and his son fervently insist Ynna has no political connections or agenda, the Chaabi family itself is undeniably active in politics. Miloud Chaabi himself is a Member of Parliament (MP) representing his home district of Essaouira. He recently resigned from the Socialist Party (USFP) after being affiliated with the Istiqlal party for many years. He now considers himself "independent." Miloud Chaabi has a son who is mayor of Souissi (a Rabat neighborhood) and another who is an MP with the PJD, Morocco's legal Islamist party. His Oxford-educated daughter is the nationally-known Socialist party mayor of Essaouira, Asma Chaabi. She has been the subject of numerous media profiles and has participated in several USG-funded programs as an Arab-female political success story. Omar Chaabi joked that despite how well known his father is, his sister "sometimes gets more spotlight." He confided to econoff that his family still jokes about the U.S. Embassy Fourth of July party when his father was introduced as "the father of the Mayor of Essaouira." YNNA: WHAT DOES THE BUSINESS COMMUNITY THINK? ¶10. (C) Banking contacts comment almost universally on Ynna's lack of transparency. One banker suggested that transparency issues are why Ynna must self-finance ventures. Banks are uncomfortable lending without full financial disclosure. Other bankers added that while it is true that commercial credit is not the cheapest source for growing a business, there is always the option of private equity and venture capital funds. Miloud Chaabi shuns unnecessary financial disclosures or shared ownership. Another investment banker described Ynna as "aggressive, but not well structured." He argued that Ynna is quick to diversify into areas "that don't integrate well into existing businesses.8 However, he conceded that lack of financial disclosure "makes it difficult to understand its business strategy." ¶11. (C) Business contacts are generally cynical of Ynna's claims to be "independent" of the government and palace and several alluded to rumors of unsavory business practices, especially early on in Miloud Chaabi's career. Some rumors took a dark tone, alleging Ynna strong-armed small-scale property owners and sold asbestos-lined water pipes to municipal governments. Other rumors are more innocuous, claiming for example that female bankers were separated from the men at a Ynna-conducted meeting with a local bank. However, these stories could conceivably be borne of jealously, amount to idle gossip, or considered a reflection of growing unease in the Casablanca-based business community to perceived Islamist encroachment in the public sector. (Econoff was unable to confirm first-hand the bank anecdote, for example; some bankers responded that they "could imagine that happening" while others quickly dismissed the story as nonsense.) YNNA: BIG FISH, SMALL POND? ¶12. (C) Omar Chaabi admits that Ynna is not looking toward advancing business interests with the United States, despite the newly implemented U.S.-Morocco Free Trade Agreement. He complained that the U.S. market is too big. Moroccans "can really only succeed (in the United States) in niche markets," he argued. Ynna is quite profitable in existing regions and "isn't hungry to chase after the U.S. market." He also acknowledged the role of language and cultural barriers; "We don't have many English-speaking employees here," he admitted. ¶13. (C) Miloud Chaabi wasted no time during his March 27 private lunch with the Ambassador to ask what could be done to encourage American foreign investment in Morocco, stressing its importance for developing Morocco's economy. "I have invested over $1 billion in the Arab world" he boasted, "why are Americans so scared?" Miloud Chaabi chastised fearful American investors and warned of encroaching gains in North Africa by Chinese businessman and entrepreneurs. "They are not fearful and they know how to adapt," he noted ominously. At the same time however, Miloud Chaabi harshly criticized recent investments by U.S.-based CASABLANCA 00000418 004 OF 004 International Paper and Colony Capital, a hint that the Chaabi family prefers American investment only in industries that don't directly compete with its interests. -------------- COMMENT: -------------- ¶14. (C) Comment: Despite Miloud's son Omar's (at times defensive) protestations and resistance of the "Islamic" label, Ynna Holdings does seem to reflect certain Islamic principles of his father. The elder Chaabi enjoys considerable credibility and respect among the general public and represents to some a possible "third way" for Islamic businessman and entrepreneurs to approach Western-dominated globalization without sacrificing religious principles. Several banks in Morocco are considering introducing Islamic financial products. Ynna,s experience demonstrates that there is a profitable market for services that reflect cultural values. At the same time, Chaabi's and Ynna,s story is more nuanced than the public image suggests. He is in many ways as much a reflection of the traditional, closed Moroccan cultural business context as he is an exception to it. Nonetheless, Ynna's public reputation and success could make it an excellent partner for USG efforts to deliver the message that economic liberalization does not have to engender cultural assimilation. ¶15. (U) This cable has been cleared by Ambassador Riley. GREENE