CASABLANCA SLUMS: IT'S NOT JUST SIDI MOUMEN ANYMORE

C O N F I D E N T I A L CASABLANCA 000409 SIPDIS SIPDIS STATE PLEASE PASS TO USAID LABOR ALSO FOR ILAB E.O. 12958: DECL: 04/25/2016 TAGS: MO PGOV PHUM PINR PREL SUBJECT: CASABLANCA SLUMS: IT'S NOT JUST SIDI MOUMEN ANYMORE REF: 05 CASABLANCA 01314 Classified By: Principal Officer Douglas C. Greene reasons 1.4 (b) and (d) ¶1. (SBU) Summary: On a recent visit to a local "bidonville" (Moroccan term for shantytown),Poloff and Econoff spoke with several young adults about life in Morocco, opportunities for youth, and their views of the United States. Officers also toured the bidonville, home to approximately 2,500 disenfranchised Moroccans, to see firsthand the living conditions that many agree are breeding grounds for extremism. Bidonvilles have become a source of concern both in Morocco and internationally since it was discovered that the majority of the May 16, 2003, Casablanca bombers were from aCasablanca bidonville called "Sidi Moumen." Sidi Moumen has since received an influx of money and attention, including new apartment buildings, access to electricity and water, increased police presence , high-level visits and a new youth center inaugurated by King Mohammed VI himself. There remain, however, hundreds of other bidonvilles throughout Morocco that are mired in poverty and street crime, and suffer from lack of opportunity and hope. End Summary. -------------- The Moroccan Bidonville -------------- ¶2. (SBU) In May, 2003, Moroccan bidonvilles captured international attention after Moroccan authorities confirmed that eleven of the twelve suicide bombers who struck in coordinated attacks in five different locations across the city of Casablanca, came from one local slum named Sidi Moumen. Since then hundreds of thousands of dollars have been invested in the neighborhood and the results are apparent to even the most casual observers (reftel). Newly constructed youth centers, active NGOs, education and training centers, and several new government buildings (including predictably, a new local office for the Ministry of Interior) have appeared in the district over the past two years. Clearly, Sidi Moumen has undergone a major transformation, but unfortunately other bidonvilles throughout the country are not benefiting from the same level of interest, even though they could pose the same risks. -------------- The Dissatisfaction of Disenfranchised Youth -------------- ¶3. (U) Poloff and Econoff met with five young inhabitants of a local bidonville, one of hundreds scattered throughout many cities in Morocco. The group consisted of two young women, both unemployed, recent graduates from the faculty of Islamic Law, and three young men, aged 17 to 19, employed in a local textile factory. They spoke openly on many subjects including their home lives, jobs, and what their futures may, or may not, hold. They expressed their views on political parties in Morocco, the government, and Morocco's relationship with the United States. ¶4. (SBU) The young men, all working on six month contracts at a small local jeans factory, earned about nine dirhams (USD 1) an hour and are kept on short contracts, saving the company from paying benefits. Two of the three claimed to be the sole bread winners for their families, paying the costs for younger siblings' educational needs and supporting their parents. The most talkative and cynical of the group, Mustafa, passionately railed against the government and the political parties. While not condemning any party in particular, he clearly considered politicians in general to be inherently corrupt. According to Mustafa, local politicians repeatedly make promises to improve life in the bidonville while campaigning, but both promises and politicians inevitably disappear post-election. Despite the fact that he is 17 and too young to vote, Mustafa claimed it was widely know that every political party, save the Socialist Union of Popular Forces (USFP),pays a going rate of 100 dirhams a vote. ¶5. (SBU) The two women, while less pessimistic about Moroccan politics, were equally disillusioned about employment opportunities and the economic future of Morocco. The women informed us that months earlier they had been unsuccessful in their application for positions as teachers with the Ministry of Islamic Affairs. While seemingly in no hurry to find work, the two were being encouraged by one of their former professors to start an NGO that would provide remedial education to illiterate women (a niche in Moroccan society often filled by women.) ¶6. (SBU) The youth were as cynical toward businessmen as they were toward politicians, and were unable to identify a single Moroccan businessman whom they would consider a role model. Even Miloud Chaabi, the well known Moroccan industrialist famous for his philanthropic efforts was vilified. "If he is such a good man why do his drivers live in my neighborhood" Mustafa asked. It was evident in the minds of these young bidonville residents, success in business is considered suspect. "If a man makes money in business he must be corrupt and paying bribes" explained Mustafa, "there is no other way in this country." -------------- Not Even the Dogs Would be Left -------------- ¶7. (SBU) As the discussion turned to future goals, Mustafa spoke keenly about his desire to emigrate to Spain or Italy, legally or otherwise. In fact, two in the group already had brothers working in Italy as menial laborers. It was not clear just how the brothers emigrated but it was very clear that Mustafa and others like him are eager to follow in their footsteps. Mustafa was sure that it would not matter what he did there, wash dishes or drive a taxi, anything, according to him, would be better than his job in Morocco. "They have human rights there, but here", he complained, "you get no respect at your job." He went on to say that if the border to the EU were open everyone in Morocco would leave. "Not even the dogs would be left." This notion was challenged by one of the women who were sure that, yes, everyone would go at first but a month or two later many would return due to lack of opportunity there as well. -------------- US and Morocco -------------- ¶8. (SBU) When asked their thoughts on the United States, the response was typical and straightforward: the US should not be in Iraq and should distance itself from Israel. The young people questioned why the USG did not help Morocco more financially and seemed genuinely shocked to learn the amount of USG funds invested in Morocco last year and the amount proposed for the MCC. The shock was short-lived, however, as the five saw this as yet another opportunity to blame the GOM for misuse of funds and lack of concern for the poor. -------------- A Walkabout in a Bidonville -------------- ¶9. (U) The word bidonville literally translates to tin-can city, a depressingly accurate description of the corrugated tin hovels making up these shantytowns around Morocco. The bidonville we visited housed approximately 2500 inhabitants, all dependent on four communal water faucets, illegally tapped electricity (for the hundreds of satellite dishes and televisions),and with no solid waste removal or sewer system. No one could tell us the age of this particular bidonville, but all five claimed to have been born there and have lived there for their entire lives. They expressed this fact with a tone of hopelessness, suggestion that change for them would never come. -------------- Be on the Lookout -------------- ¶10. (SBU) In addition, we also spoke directly with residents of Sidi Moumen, including several high school teachers who taught students that were incarcerated on terrorism-related charges by Moroccan authorities after the May 16th, 2003 bombings. Although at first reluctant to engage officers, the teachers gradually opened up and admitted to having seen the early signs of indoctrination. "We all saw it", one said, describing how the four former students (two sets of brothers) started to wear traditional Afghan robes to class and began growing beards. "Once they tried to lecture me because I wanted the students to sing a song in class", a teacher recounted. "They said it was against Islam, and so I challenged them to show me where in the Koran it says that." Much like in the aftermath of school-shooting tragedies in the United States, Sidi Moumen residents admit to seeing the warning signs but failing to act. The teachers blamed Saudi and Moroccan extremists from "outside the community" for coming to the local Mosque to recruit. "They went to the Mosque to watch people" one teacher described, "watching who prays and how often." From the teacher's perspective ignorance and poverty may continue to make residents, especially youth, vulnerable to extremism despite the money and attention Sidi Moumen has received. -------------- Comment -------------- ¶11. (C) What we saw and heard at the bidonville we visited represents a snapshot. However, it confirms our view that despite the GOM focus on Sidi Moumen, the broader challenge is not being adequately addressed. The GOM is making efforts to replace the bidonvilles with high-rise, low income housing projects such as the ones we see around Casablanca. Our sense, though, is that this is akin to treating the symptom and not the disease. Casablanca's poor move into these projects, but new economic opportunities do not come with the move. The result, over time, is likely to be vertical shantytowns. At the same time new people, desperate for economic opportunity, arrive in Casablanca from the countryside to take their places in the bidonvilles. Until the underlying issues are addressed, the bidonvilles and their high-rise replacements will likely continue to be fertile territory for extremists targeting poor, hopeless youth. GREENE