BOLIVARIANS BRING OUT THE "RED CARPET" FOR WORLD

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 05 CARACAS 000260 SIPDIS SIPDIS DOL FOR ILAB E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/30/2021 TAGS: PGOV PHUM ELAB KDEM VE SUBJECT: BOLIVARIANS BRING OUT THE "RED CARPET" FOR WORLD SOCIAL FORUM REF: CARACAS 124 CARACAS 00000260 001.2 OF 005 Classified By: Robert Downes, Political Counselor, for Reason 1.4(b). -------------- Summary -------------- ¶1. (C) The Venezuelan government of President Hugo Chavez put the best face on the Bolivarian Revolution to participants of the Sixth World Social Forum -- Americas Region (WSF) in Caracas January 24-29. The government did an adequate job at managing the unwieldy event, made both easier by low turnout and harder by steady rains and infrastructure problems. Forum participants were treated to a revolutionary government in full throttle (albeit in a ten-block radius) providing security, trash collection, and a host of public services. For the more adventurous "foristas" camping out in the "peace villages," the government provided mass showers, MERCAL subsidized food stores, and "gourmet" food stands staffed by government-sponsored cooperatives. Government press portrayed a world in league with Bolivarian objectives, and Chavez made a special effort to embrace U.S. anti-war activists. In a surprise move, Chavez did not appear at the closing ceremony on January 29, choosing instead to address a smaller group of activists at the Military Club at Fuerte Tiuna. While most forum participants are favorably disposed toward Chavez, we wonder if traditional leftists were not put off by Chavez' cult of personality. End Summary. ¶2. (C) Emboffs and visiting DRL Labor Officer Rigg attended three days of the WSF. The forum was spread over four major sites (Caracas Hilton, La Carlota Airport, Central University of Venezuela, and East Park). With 2,000 activities scheduled, it was impossible to cover even a small fraction of the events. We also decided to keep as low a profile as possible, which meant keeping conversations with the chatty activists and journalists (who at times outnumbered participants) to a minimum. Below is an account of the Bolivarian Republic's efforts to convince forum participants of the virtues of the Revolution. Septels will cover substance of WSF events attended. -------------- The Rain Fits The Mood -------------- ¶3. (C) The Bolivarians did a creditable job organizing the event, though the closure of a bridge on the major artery from the Maiquetia airport probably discouraged some participants. Organizers had initially boasted an expected crowd of 120,000 forum participants, but the official figure quickly dropped that figure to 60,000. We estimate, after visiting three of the major areas over three days, that foristas numbered far fewer, and further assume that the Bolivarians were probably including their scores of volunteers in that figure. Registration was tricky, involving a two-hour wait in line at a state-run bank to pay the USD 20 fee for foreigners (Venezuelans were free) and some fumbling with identity documents when Emboffs tried to register without noting our affiliation (ultimately, we registered as individual participants not connected to an organization). Intermittent, heavy rains kept the crowds moist and subdued -- all our rabid pamphlets wilted -- but since the government and most activist blame the unseasonable rain on the U.S. for not signing the Kyoto Protocol, foristas seemed to take it in stride. CARACAS 00000260 002.2 OF 005 -------------- Everything Works In The "Bolivarian Zone" -------------- ¶4. (C) Perhaps the most striking organizational feature of the event, especially for Caracas residents, was the unprecedented presence of public services, as if every government program was functioning at peak proficiency -- if only for a ten-block area. Ironically, the WSF and government activities bisected Caracas' principal thoroughfare, Avenida Bolivar, which was closed to traffic for the Forum, compounding traffic headaches for workaday Caraquenos. Within the "Bolivarian Zone," hundreds of red-shirted and -hatted cooperative workers with push brooms and dustpans literally competed for any speck of refuse that fell within view of the foristas. Just outside the zone, however, we noted the signature piles of rotting trash that characterize the majority of Caracas streets. Although the press reported problems with bus transportation, we were able to move between events fairly easily on Caracas' pristine metro system, which was free to WSF participants. In the WSF areas, we noted the eagerness of government officials and volunteers to engage us, especially after noting our credentials and realizing our nationality. While visiting East Park in Caracas' middle class sector, however, we tucked away the credentials after we perceived some looks of annoyance from eastern Caracas residents. ¶5. (C) But the Chavistas blew everyone away on security. Caracas municipal mayor Freddy Bernal had announced that some 400 plainclothes police would circulate through the crowd because forum attendees are the sort that might view dimly the presence of security officials. Nevertheless, we saw every kind of Venezuelan security, including Metropolitan Police, military police, Caracas Municipality police (some in plain clothes),Caracas Firemen (and scores of their cadets), and neighborhood watch committees ("juntas vecinales"). In the midst of probably the greatest concentration of Venezuelan security forces since the days of the grand opposition marches, we witnessed some unlucky young man snatch a purse on Avenida Bolivar. He unwittingly ran into the "Bolivarian zone," where, reminiscent of a punt return, the runner was converged upon by dozens of security personnel of every uniform color. We observed commensurate force being applied to subdue the robber (read, a brief episode of street justice). To the conference participants, however, the quick reaction of Venezuelan law enforcement must have been impressive. (Note: We have to add, however, that several amcit participants were victims of street crime during the Forum, and had to turn to the Embassy for help.) ¶6. (C) We had to mark the government down, however, on the tent camps constructed by the Venezuelan army for the more stouthearted foristas. The "Village of Peace" we observed in Los Caobos park near the Caracas Hilton, was home to what looked like a hundred participants and had under steady rain become a dismal bog. We saw MERCAL stands, where residents could buy government-subsidized groceries, as well as several "gourmet cooperatives" charging up to USD 3.75 for meals. An outdoor shower facility, complete with shower curtains, looked to accommodate about 150 persons. A mobile "Barrio Adentro" clinic was on hand, reportedly giving vaccinations. Several firemen and police kept watch over the camp as well. The local press reported a small rebellion at the Vinicio Adams park, on the outskirts of Caracas in Baruta Municipality, where residents of a "youth camp" claimed age discrimination and demanded to be moved closer to the action at the Los Caobos camp. Press reports said the Vinicio Adams park had a capacity of 10,000 campers, but only 2,000 were CARACAS 00000260 003.2 OF 005 registered at the mid-point of the WSF. -------------- Government Fair Touts "Revolution of Love" -------------- ¶7. (C) Although the WSF is traditionally a non-governmental event, the Bolivarian Government mounted an unabashed "Fiesta of Democracy" on Avenida Bolivar adjacent to the Hilton. There, nearly every government ministry had snappy exhibition booths to boast the achievements of the Revolution. The Ministry of Justice was passing out information on its human rights programs and brief biographies of Venezuela's founding fathers. The Food Ministry displayed the wares of MERCAL, including elusive powdered milk practically unseen on Venezuela shelves. The Ministry of Defense was displaying the "Tiuna Class" military vehicle invented in Venezuela (think, pick-up with HUMVEE conversion kit). Young diplomats from the Foreign Ministry were promoting their "Bolivarian Front," a revolutionary movement within the diplomatic corps and gave Poloff a book in English about Cuban eye surgeries ("Mission Miracle"). The National Assembly had a large tent filled with red carpets and red chairs to hold "Street Parliament" events. The most popular display, however, was a massive automated marionette show recreating scenes from the Bolivarian social missions. The singing puppet show featured a fatigues-clad Chavez puppet at the center orchestrating everything. ¶8. (C) We noticed that government workers avoided giving freebies to the hundreds of Venezuelans circulating the fair. Poloff watched a wave of red shirts/hats converge on the Ministry of Popular Economy (MINEP) booth for a free sports bottle (red in color),workers put away the gratuities and switched to a poster of Chavez hugging a boy in a red beret. The slogan read: "The Bolivarian Revolution is A Revolution of Love." The first man in line not to get a water bottle, threw up his hands in disgust at the poster and stormed off, though many accepted the poster gratefully. When a women from the job training institute (INCE) noticed we were foreigners, she dived into some hidden boxes and produced INCE pens, pencils, magnets, and bottle openers. A worker from the Ministry of Health thrust two condoms (not red in color) into Poloff's hands and said, "Here you go, friend." ¶9. (C) At La Carlota Airport -- a military/government airport, with planes and helicopters landing within 200 yards of WSF activities -- Poloffs visited a market with wares produced by Bolivarian cooperatives. Products we saw were mostly related to Chavez: red T-shirts, red berets, framed Chavez portraits, Chavez ID lanyards, Chavez talking dolls, Chavez books, Chavez watches, and trademark tiny Bolivarian constitutions like those carried by Chavez. Ernesto "Che" Guevara paraphernalia was a distant but respectable second to Chavez. Other cooperative products included oganic handicrafts, honey, used leftist radical lterature, and jewelry. (Comment: Line between ooperatives and informal street vendors is blurre. Cooperatives are the basis of Chavez' so-calld endogenous development model. Small groups ofworkers band together to provide a service or makea product, for which they usually receive a subsdy. The cooperative exhibition suggested the cooeratives were producing light manufactured goods but all we saw amounted to little more than chep trinkets.) -------------- Rare Look At Mision Identidad -------------- CARACAS 00000260 004.2 OF 005 ¶10. (C) The government also set up booths for issuing national identity cards (cedulas) and driver's licenses, generating lines of hundreds of Venezuelans. The applicants ran the gamut of Venezuelan social strata, and few wore the distinctive red clothing of Chavez supporters. One woman told Poloff she saw the announcement for the cedulas (aka "Mision Identidad" or "Mission Identity") on the official government television station and thought it would be faster than going to the main offices of the civil registry (ONIDEX). Bearing WSF credentials, poloffs got to observe the cedula process up close as applicants worked through the process. Most applicants merely had to produce photocopies of their original cedula as proof of their identity. The workers asked in-depth questions, recording addresses, occupations, and parents' names from applicants. At a separate station with a National Electoral Council (CNE) computer, applicants were automatically enrolled in the electoral registry. -------------- -------------- Government Press Shows A World In Love With Chavez -------------- -------------- ¶11. (C) The Government's official channels (VTV, Telesur, National Assembly TV, and Vive) ran nearly continuous coverage of the WSF. Typical of official media, the camera stayed tight on subjects and never showed the sparse crowds that we noted at the same events. Wandering cameras captured vignettes from WSF life, replaying interviews with foreigners speaking in gushing tones of the Revolution. Special emphasis was given on anti-USG opinion, including anti-war protesters. Events related to Cuba were also prominent, highlighting the presence of Cuban Assembly Speaker Ricardo Alarcon and various other ministers. Chavez highlighted U.S. anti-war protester Cindy Sheehan on his weekly Sunday broadcast, telling her he would pitch his tent next to hers in front of President Bush's ranch in Texas. -------------- The Cherry On Top: Chavez Speaks -------------- ¶12. (C) Although press releases before the forum indicated that President Chavez would address the January 29 closing ceremony of the WSF, he did not. Instead, he spoke to a group of about 100 in an "Assembly of Social Movements" at the Military Club at Fuerte Tiuna, the Venezuelan military's headquarters. Chavez discursively outlined his record of public reforms in Venezuela and described his various regional proposals such as the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas (ALBA),PetroAmerica, Telesur, and BancoSur. Chavez noted that his government was the first to sign an agreement with the Sin Tierra Movement of Brazil (support in exchange for Brazilian land reform experts to train Bolivarian mission participants); he made the offer to sign similar agreements with social movements in other countries. Chavez also issued his standard warning of an imminent U.S. invasion. The attendees courteously applauded many of Chavez' statements, though at times they appeared fatigued or distracted during Chavez' long remarks. -------------- Comment -------------- ¶13. (C) The Chavistas tried their best to show the glories of revolution to the Forum participants. We could probably give them a passing grade for handling the event. Given the diversity of participation, we're sure some came away CARACAS 00000260 005.2 OF 005 enamored with Chavez and his supporters. The hype probably also caused some uneasiness with traditional leftists. We will discuss substantive issues of the WSF in other reporting, but our quick take is that Chavez probably did not wrest control of the Forum from its Brazilian originators. Of course, Chavez need not have hijacked future events to get what he needed: a convincing message to his core supporters that "the people" of the world support what is going on in Venezuela while "the empire" does not. And he didn't even need to put it on a T-shirt. BROWNFIELD