Identifier
Created
Classification
Origin
06CAIRO3375
2006-06-01 15:31:00
CONFIDENTIAL
Embassy Cairo
Cable title:  

AYMAN NOUR'S PRISON LETTER TO PRESIDENT BUSH

Tags:  PHUM KDEM PGOV EG 
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This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.

011531Z Jun 06
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 CAIRO 003375 

SIPDIS

NSC STAFF FOR SINGH

E.O. 12958: DECL: 05/31/2016
TAGS: PHUM KDEM PGOV EG
SUBJECT: AYMAN NOUR'S PRISON LETTER TO PRESIDENT BUSH


Classified by Charge d'Affaires Stuart Jones for reasons 1.4
(b) and (d).

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 CAIRO 003375 SIPDIS NSC STAFF FOR SINGH E.O. 12958: DECL: 05/31/2016 TAGS: PHUM KDEM PGOV EG SUBJECT: AYMAN NOUR'S PRISON LETTER TO PRESIDENT BUSH Classified by Charge d'Affaires Stuart Jones for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d). ¶1. (C) During a May 28 meeting with DAS Scott Carpenter, Gameela Ismail, wife of imprisoned opposition leader Ayman Nour, passed a letter she had "smuggled" out of Torah Prison during a visit to her husband the day before. The salutation was left blank, according to Gameela, as a precaution in case it was intercepted. The intended addressee, she stated, is President Bush. ¶2. (C) The letter, unofficially translated in the Embassy by a cleared officer, is repeated in full below. Nour's letter reiterates the many irregularities and inconsistencies in the GOE's case against him and its harassment of his Ghad Party. The letter expresses his thanks to the U.S. and other foreign countries for their representations on his behalf, tempered with implied regret at the perceived inconsistency of this support, and discussion of how external support is a double-edged sword in the domestic arena. The letter concludes with a plea for unspecified help. Despite the ambiguities, Nour's frustration and depression come through clearly in his letter. BEGIN TEXT Dear I present my utmost thanks for your sincere efforts during the period from 29 January 2005, which is the date of my arrest and first internment, until now, for a case which is clearly contrived and manufactured to punish me. This was done against me for being an opposition legislator acting on behalf of the Egyptian nation and for expressing a legitimate wish for political reform and for opposing the principle of monopolization of power and for opposing the idea of doing away with all reasonable reform forces from the general arena so as to open the road to more than one person for the system... This is not a regime which can bear responsibility domestically and internationally for its distinguishing marks and its sins. Instead, it is a system which likes to ascribe to the idea that there is only one option to it - which is lack of any system (chaos). Your efforts - for which I am thankful - bore fruit in my speedy release and in allowing me an unfair chance to compete in the elections which were forged before they started; elections, the results of which were against the reality of what happened. Despite this, the regime was unable to keep me away fro
m my due position; i.e. the other presidential competitor. However, these efforts, which coincided with other sincere efforts on both the domestic and international levels, from other free people and those who love reform and democracy, did not prevent the regime, which concocted the legal case from the beginning, to continue forward with what it had started and chose to refer the case to the judge who ruled before and condemned Saad Eddin Ibrahim and others from amongst the political parties as well as those in the opposition and reformers. It was decided that I would spend the period of the elections moving between the boxes of the accused in courts during the morning hours and contend with election conspiracies in the Cairo Governorate during the evening hours. The unjust trial - within the scope of any local or international standards - ended with a final session dedicated to tarnishing my political reputation and my human personal honor. I was accused openly and in the presence of the governmental information elements of various false accusations of working for America and Europe and for receiving financial and social aid. This was done in connection with my first internment whereby they wrongly used the clear position concerning me by the White House, Department of State and American Congressional statements along with statements issued by the European Parliament and the European Union. A new phase of political retribution, maltreatment and punishment began with my arrest yet another time through an unjust trial. This was followed by a ruling which was issued for a harsh imprisonment for five years. This is unprecedented especially in a matter where it is proved there is lack of proof regarding accusations leveled against me which charged that there were forged political party applications; forgeries of originals which means they were worthless and which also does not follow logic since it would not make sense to issue copies of originals. This is despite the fact the Egyptian law only requires the signatures of 50 individuals. This contradicts any benefit we would derive from forging a thousand signatures from amongst thousands of signatures which we presented. This is especially important in light of the fact the authorities have the individual's power of attorney with them, at their mercy, on its side and far from my control. The individual testified in the unjust trial that he presented a correct notarization form and had obtained an authoritative copy of that form which was presented to the court. The court did not accept the testimonies of the police and authority (sic). The court did not have the heart to weigh the admissions from one of those who was paid to concoct the legal case against me and who said that he did this under pressure from security exemplified by the kidnapping of his nieces and their detention by police. He was also threatened that if he did not join the case against me, that the girls' honor would be violated in front of him. He also presented clear documentation about his nieces' detention during that time and date. My dear, I write this letter, the first letter I write with my pen, and one which I am honored to address to you personally as a human being who likes freedom, hates autocracy, dictatorship, subjugation, and injustice. I write this first letter and perhaps the last while I am in a very sad situation that any human being can go through on earth as I crouch in my unjust prison under horrible monitoring and utmost daily violation from a humanitarian, constitutional and legalistic perspective. This paper, this pen and the ink represent everything tied to above as I try to write a sentence or a word. As I write this I am not sure if you will come to my internment or whether this letter will mean another instrument for more maltreatment and injustice which has continued for a while. On 18 May 2006, following the visit of Mr. Gamal Mubarak to the While House by six days, my appeal for the unjust ruling - one which is unprecedented - by the head of the circuit court who is a member of the council headed by my competitor President Mubarak. This so called Higher Council for the Judiciary upheld my imprisonment for the harsh five year term. In the shadow of the laughable court, which I did not attend -- neither as an accused nor as a lawyer -- and which was not attended by those authorized to attend on my behalf given the security situation did not allow them to enter the court room because of the activities on the same day, at (the same) moment and place where the justices were also being tried!! The same day when a large number of my supporters responded to a call for peaceful protest and there was disruption of traffic. The same day in which further impositions were made against the catastrophe affecting the reform march which is only somewhat mitigated by a few concessions. Externally we pay the price twice. First, when we are psychologically and socially assassinated and then again physically and practically assassinated in prison for years with this final decision, a decision which does not allow us for another six years after the end of his nomination or allow us to join in an election - any general election. I will lose the next 11 years in terms of exercising my right to my only means of employment as a lawyer. The law also prevents me from exercising my position as a head of a party for the same amount of time involved. It is a wonder that the basic constitutional law which gives the President of the Republic the right to annul a sentence or reduce it, has had another angle. That is the law's overall impact, a law can that only be annulled by a decision of the People's Assembly, whose elections are forged and where the President and his party enjoy an invalid majority, but one which is sweeping. I am very amazed by the reaction from those who were emotional and very supportive for my previous release so that I can practice my right to compete. Those who did not allow me the right to live with honor as a human being with rights to his children, his wife and to his party. A party for which they are planning to annex and in which they plan to stop the publication of its newspaper after the authority issued a newspaper with the same name "al-Ghad". This is in clear violation of the law and logic given the fact it has the same name and is for the same price!! However, it has an opposing editorial policy to that of the Ghad party and shows degrading support to the ruling authority and its inheritor who received congratulations after the last decision of the Congress concerning the continuation of American assistance following the rejection of the proposal by Tom Lantos. The congratulations were not to be. . . Not for the sincere efforts of the visit of 12 May, but for finally doing away with competition as published by some Egyptian newspapers which forces me to reach deep in my memory for an article by the Washington Post dated 21 May... this pushed me to apologize to my wife and children who gave me this article to show that I did not rightly assess what is known as political geography and its impact on promises in support of people for reform. . . Perhaps this is a crime or naivete on my part for which I deserve imprisonment and political isolation for a period of 11 years without work or income. However, I am sorry for I don't know what is the fault of my children, my wife, my party and my supporters for this mistake. . . What is the fault of the new coming generations which have not thought of reforms, competition or official - and legitimate - opposition when they remember that I am now paying this huge price by myself for the political geography bill and interests without principles and foundation? I am still awaiting from you something which I do not believe I will be capable of waiting for a long time. Dr. Ayman Nour Prison 27 May 2006 JONES

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