Identifier
Created
Classification
Origin
06CAIRO3375
2006-06-01 15:31:00
CONFIDENTIAL
Embassy Cairo
Cable title:  

AYMAN NOUR'S PRISON LETTER TO PRESIDENT BUSH

Tags:  PHUM KDEM PGOV EG 
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011531Z Jun 06
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 CAIRO 003375 

SIPDIS

NSC STAFF FOR SINGH

E.O. 12958: DECL: 05/31/2016
TAGS: PHUM KDEM PGOV EG
SUBJECT: AYMAN NOUR'S PRISON LETTER TO PRESIDENT BUSH


Classified by Charge d'Affaires Stuart Jones for reasons 1.4
(b) and (d).

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 CAIRO 003375

SIPDIS

NSC STAFF FOR SINGH

E.O. 12958: DECL: 05/31/2016
TAGS: PHUM KDEM PGOV EG
SUBJECT: AYMAN NOUR'S PRISON LETTER TO PRESIDENT BUSH


Classified by Charge d'Affaires Stuart Jones for reasons 1.4
(b) and (d).


1. (C) During a May 28 meeting with DAS Scott Carpenter,
Gameela Ismail, wife of imprisoned opposition leader Ayman
Nour, passed a letter she had "smuggled" out of Torah Prison
during a visit to her husband the day before. The salutation
was left blank, according to Gameela, as a precaution in case
it was intercepted. The intended addressee, she stated, is
President Bush.


2. (C) The letter, unofficially translated in the Embassy by
a cleared officer, is repeated in full below. Nour's letter
reiterates the many irregularities and inconsistencies in the
GOE's case against him and its harassment of his Ghad Party.
The letter expresses his thanks to the U.S. and other foreign
countries for their representations on his behalf, tempered
with implied regret at the perceived inconsistency of this
support, and discussion of how external support is a
double-edged sword in the domestic arena. The letter
concludes with a plea for unspecified help. Despite the
ambiguities, Nour's frustration and depression come through
clearly in his letter.

BEGIN TEXT

Dear

I present my utmost thanks for your sincere efforts during
the period from 29 January 2005, which is the date of my
arrest and first internment, until now, for a case which is
clearly contrived and manufactured to punish me. This was
done against me for being an opposition legislator acting on
behalf of the Egyptian nation and for expressing a legitimate
wish for political reform and for opposing the principle of
monopolization of power and for opposing the idea of doing
away with all reasonable reform forces from the general arena
so as to open the road to more than one person for the
system... This is not a regime which can bear responsibility
domestically and internationally for its distinguishing marks
and its sins. Instead, it is a system which likes to ascribe
to the idea that there is only one option to it - which is
lack of any system (chaos).

Your efforts - for which I am thankful - bore fruit in my
speedy release and in allowing me an unfair chance to compete
in the elections which were forged before they started;
elections, the results of which were against the reality of
what happened. Despite this, the regime was unable to keep
me away from my due position; i.e. the other presidential
competitor. However, these efforts, which coincided with
other sincere efforts on both the domestic and international
levels, from other free people and those who love reform and
democracy, did not prevent the regime, which concocted the

legal case from the beginning, to continue forward with what
it had started and chose to refer the case to the judge who
ruled before and condemned Saad Eddin Ibrahim and others from
amongst the political parties as well as those in the
opposition and reformers. It was decided that I would spend
the period of the elections moving between the boxes of the
accused in courts during the morning hours and contend with
election conspiracies in the Cairo Governorate during the
evening hours.

The unjust trial - within the scope of any local or
international standards - ended with a final session
dedicated to tarnishing my political reputation and my human
personal honor. I was accused openly and in the presence of
the governmental information elements of various false
accusations of working for America and Europe and for
receiving financial and social aid. This was done in
connection with my first internment whereby they wrongly used
the clear position concerning me by the White House,
Department of State and American Congressional statements
along with statements issued by the European Parliament and
the European Union.

A new phase of political retribution, maltreatment and
punishment began with my arrest yet another time through an
unjust trial. This was followed by a ruling which was issued
for a harsh imprisonment for five years. This is
unprecedented especially in a matter where it is proved there
is lack of proof regarding accusations leveled against me
which charged that there were forged political party
applications; forgeries of originals which means they were
worthless and which also does not follow logic since it would
not make sense to issue copies of originals. This is despite
the fact the Egyptian law only requires the signatures of 50
individuals. This contradicts any benefit we would derive
from forging a thousand signatures from amongst thousands of
signatures which we presented. This is especially important
in light of the fact the authorities have the individual's
power of attorney with them, at their mercy, on its side and
far from my control. The individual testified in the unjust
trial that he presented a correct notarization form and had
obtained an authoritative copy of that form which was
presented to the court.

The court did not accept the testimonies of the police and
authority (sic). The court did not have the heart to weigh
the admissions from one of those who was paid to concoct the
legal case against me and who said that he did this under
pressure from security exemplified by the kidnapping of his
nieces and their detention by police. He was also threatened
that if he did not join the case against me, that the girls'
honor would be violated in front of him. He also presented
clear documentation about his nieces' detention during that
time and date.

My dear,

I write this letter, the first letter I write with my pen,
and one which I am honored to address to you personally as a
human being who likes freedom, hates autocracy, dictatorship,
subjugation, and injustice. I write this first letter and
perhaps the last while I am in a very sad situation that any
human being can go through on earth as I crouch in my unjust
prison under horrible monitoring and utmost daily violation
from a humanitarian, constitutional and legalistic
perspective. This paper, this pen and the ink represent
everything tied to above as I try to write a sentence or a
word. As I write this I am not sure if you will come to my
internment or whether this letter will mean another
instrument for more maltreatment and injustice which has
continued for a while. On 18 May 2006, following the visit
of Mr. Gamal Mubarak to the While House by six days, my
appeal for the unjust ruling - one which is unprecedented -
by the head of the circuit court who is a member of the
council headed by my competitor President Mubarak. This so
called Higher Council for the Judiciary upheld my
imprisonment for the harsh five year term.

In the shadow of the laughable court, which I did not attend
-- neither as an accused nor as a lawyer -- and which was not
attended by those authorized to attend on my behalf given the
security situation did not allow them to enter the court room
because of the activities on the same day, at (the same)
moment and place where the justices were also being tried!!
The same day when a large number of my supporters responded
to a call for peaceful protest and there was disruption of
traffic. The same day in which further impositions were made
against the catastrophe affecting the reform march which is
only somewhat mitigated by a few concessions. Externally we
pay the price twice. First, when we are psychologically and
socially assassinated and then again physically and
practically assassinated in prison for years with this final
decision, a decision which does not allow us for another six
years after the end of his nomination or allow us to join in
an election - any general election.

I will lose the next 11 years in terms of exercising my right
to my only means of employment as a lawyer. The law also
prevents me from exercising my position as a head of a party
for the same amount of time involved. It is a wonder that
the basic constitutional law which gives the President of the
Republic the right to annul a sentence or reduce it, has had
another angle. That is the law's overall impact, a law can
that only be annulled by a decision of the People's Assembly,
whose elections are forged and where the President and his
party enjoy an invalid majority, but one which is sweeping.

I am very amazed by the reaction from those who were
emotional and very supportive for my previous release so that
I can practice my right to compete. Those who did not allow
me the right to live with honor as a human being with rights
to his children, his wife and to his party. A party for
which they are planning to annex and in which they plan to
stop the publication of its newspaper after the authority
issued a newspaper with the same name "al-Ghad". This is in
clear violation of the law and logic given the fact it has
the same name and is for the same price!! However, it has an
opposing editorial policy to that of the Ghad party and shows
degrading support to the ruling authority and its inheritor
who received congratulations after the last decision of the
Congress concerning the continuation of American assistance
following the rejection of the proposal by Tom Lantos.

The congratulations were not to be. . . Not for the sincere
efforts of the visit of 12 May, but for finally doing away
with competition as published by some Egyptian newspapers
which forces me to reach deep in my memory for an article by
the Washington Post dated 21 May... this pushed me to
apologize to my wife and children who gave me this article to
show that I did not rightly assess what is known as political
geography and its impact on promises in support of people for
reform. . . Perhaps this is a crime or naivete on my part for
which I deserve imprisonment and political isolation for a
period of 11 years without work or income. However, I am
sorry for I don't know what is the fault of my children, my
wife, my party and my supporters for this mistake. . .

What is the fault of the new coming generations which have
not thought of reforms, competition or official - and
legitimate - opposition when they remember that I am now
paying this huge price by myself for the political geography
bill and interests without principles and foundation? I am
still awaiting from you something which I do not believe I
will be capable of waiting for a long time.

Dr. Ayman Nour
Prison
27 May 2006

JONES

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