PARAMILITARY JORGE 40'S COMPUTER LINKS HIM TO

C O N F I D E N T I A L BOGOTA 008793 SIPDIS SIPDIS FOR WHA/AND E.O. 12958: DECL: 09/22/2016 TAGS: PGOV PINR PREL PTER CO SUBJECT: PARAMILITARY JORGE 40'S COMPUTER LINKS HIM TO MURDERS, LOCAL AND NATIONAL POLITICAL CORRUPTION, AND FRAUD Classified By: Political Counselor John Creamer Reasons 1.5(b)(d) -------------- SUMMARY -------------- ¶1. Prosecutors are investigating information found on a computer hard drive allegedly belonging to paramilitary leader Jorge 40 that links him to murders, political corruption, and fraud, and contains extensive records of his ties to local and national politicians. A journalist who broke the story and a prosecutor investigating it told us the information now in the public domain is the tip of the iceberg. End summary. -------------- Incriminating Information Revealed -------------- ¶2. (U) Semana Magazine recently revealed the GOC had recovered data from a laptop computer implicating paramilitary leader Rodrigo Tovar Pupo (AKA "Jorge 40") in murder, political corruption, and fraud. The computer, which supposedly belonged to Jorge 40, allegedly recounts the history of his block and ties him through emails, phone recordings, letters, notes, and financial records to local and national politicians from Colombia's northern and coastal departments (Cesar, Magdalena, Bolivar, La Guajira, Atlantico and Sucre),and to members of Congress. The evidence reportedly shows Jorge 40, para leader Eduard Cobos Tellez (AKA "Diego Vecino") and Enilse Lopez (AKA "La Gata") fighting for control of the drug trade, land titling, and political patronage in the north. Politicians implicated in the Semana article include Senators David Char Navas (Cambio Radical) and Javier Cacares Leal (Cambio Radical),and Representative Lidio Garcia Turbay (Liberal). Jorge 40 turned himself in to GOC authorities on September 4. -------------- More to Come -------------- ¶3. (C) Semana journalist Marta Ruiz (strictly protect) told us on September 15 the computer contained a additional evidence implicating other politicians that had not been published, and suggested much more was to come. She said Jorge 40 had always understood the importance of politics, and para leaders had agreed to split up and control some Congressional seats in the 2002 and 2006 Congressional elections. Politicians from areas with lucrative drug smuggling routes in Bolivar and Sucre Departments were especially important, as were areas around the Cano-Limon oil pipeline. ¶4. (C) Ruiz also told us Senator Dieb Maloff Cuse (Colombia Viva Party) was offering approximately USD 400 million for the return of Jorge 40's computer, its contents, and any copies. She said the computer allegedly contained information on forced paramilitary "purchases" of between 2.5 and 6 million hectares of land in northern Colombia in recent years and the para "takeover" of the Colombian land titling agency (INCODER) in the region. Upcoming improvements at the Barraquilla Pallermo Port (another key drug logistics point) are also "in play," she claimed. -------------- -------------- Coastal Trip Lends Anecdotal Support to Revelations -------------- -------------- ¶5. (C) In a trip to Cartagena, Barranquilla, and Santa Marta in early September (septel),numerous contacts told us the Semana article captured the influence paramilitaries continue to have on the coast, as well as the rivalries between them. In three departments we heard how several mayors, councilors, health sector representatives, police officers and public forces are on the payroll of Jorge 40, La Gata, or Diego Vecino. In Barranquilla, labor union representatives claimed Jorge 40's bloc had implemented an "extermination plan" against union leaders and human rights activists. In Santa Marta, the Ombudswoman is concerned with the number of victims who are claiming the return of their properties, now "legally" in the hands of paramilitary members and their families. ¶6. (C) Senator Miguel Pinedo, spokesman for Cambio Radical, former governor, and longtime politician from the northern region, confirmed to us many of the allegations made in the Semana article. He said the public is still missing a lot of information on the scandal, since the paras had attempted to control nearly every significant politician in the region. Those who declined the para offers were cut of from para-sponsored voting blocs. Pinedo claimed even with his reputation and connections, he barely squeezed into the Senate in March elections because he turned down para overtures. Several Congressmen from Bogota told us politicians from para dominated regions from all parties had to cooperate with the paras if they wanted to stay alive. "I thank God everyday," added Rep Nicholas Uribe (U Party), "that I am from Bogota." -------------- Prosecutorial Shenanigans -------------- ¶7. (C) The Prosecutor in charge of this case, Amparo Ceron (strictly protect),told us on September 20 she was asked to resign because of the Semana article. Deputy Fiscal Jorge Armando Otalora accused her of leaking the story to the magazine, but Ceron insists she was not involved. She said once her bosses realized how damaging was the information on Jorge 40's hard drive, other "influential people" in the Fiscalia had been trying to take the case away from her. Ceron said she did not plan to resign and hoped to continue investigating the case. She said the Semana article only referred to a fraction of the information found. Separately, Judicial Police Chief General Naranjo told us Jorge 40 had turned himself into GOC authorities--despite being implicated by La Semana in numerous crimes that would not qualify for reduced sentences under the Justice and Peace Law--because he believes his legal and political connections will protect him from legal action. Given the increasing violence among rival para groups, Naranjo said Jorge 40 also thought he was safer in police custody than on the street. DRUCKER