Identifier
Created
Classification
Origin
06BANJUL153
2006-03-11 14:09:00
CONFIDENTIAL
Embassy Banjul
Cable title:  

THE GAMBIA: THE MALAISE EASES

Tags:  PGOV PREL PHUM KMCA GA 
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VZCZCXRO6400
RR RUEHPA
DE RUEHJL #0153/01 0701409
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
R 111409Z MAR 06
FM AMEMBASSY BANJUL
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 6473
INFO RUEHZK/ECOWAS COLLECTIVE
RUEHLMC/MILLENNIUM CHALLENGE CORP
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 BANJUL 000153 

SIPDIS

SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 03/13/2016
TAGS: PGOV PREL PHUM KMCA GA
SUBJECT: THE GAMBIA: THE MALAISE EASES

REF: A. 05 BANJUL 836


B. BANJUL 63

C. BANJUL 111

BANJUL 00000153 001.4 OF 002


Classified By: AMBASSADOR JOSEPH STAFFORD, REASON 1.4 (B AND D)

SUMMARY
--------

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 BANJUL 000153 SIPDIS SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 03/13/2016 TAGS: PGOV PREL PHUM KMCA GA SUBJECT: THE GAMBIA: THE MALAISE EASES REF: A. 05 BANJUL 836 ¶B. BANJUL 63 ¶C. BANJUL 111 BANJUL 00000153 001.4 OF 002 Classified By: AMBASSADOR JOSEPH STAFFORD, REASON 1.4 (B AND D) SUMMARY -------------- ¶1. (C) The malaise gripping The Gambia's political and human rights arenas at the end of 2005 is easing somewhat, as Nigerian President Obasanjo's February 5-6 mediation visit was successful in bringing about improved dialog between mercurial, rough-hewn President Jammeh and the opposition. Besides the opposition, Jammeh has reached out to former President Jawara, removed in Jammeh's 1994 coup. Most opposition contacts welcome Jammeh's moves, while diehard opponents dismiss them as a cynical attempt to improve his image in advance of The Gambia-hosted African Union Summit. There are positive developments in the GOTG/media relationship, but ample room for improvement remains. The extent to which Jammeh's ruling APRC party adheres to the MOU with the opposition on election-related conduct will serve as an indicator of the Gambian President's commitment to credible elections in 2006-7. USG pressure is among the factors behind Jammeh's greater forthcomingness of late toward the opposition, and we need to keep up the pressure in an effort to prevent backsliding. END SUMMARY. OVERVIEW: MALAISE AT YEAR'S END -------------- ¶2. (C) As 2005 ended, there were signs of malaise gripping The Gambia's political and human rights arenas, due in large part to actions by mercurial, rough-hewn President Yahya Jammeh and his government (ref a). He provoked an acrimonious confrontation with the opposition coalition, the National Alliance for Democracy and Development (NADD),three of whose leaders were detained by authorities for almost a month in November/December on flimsy charges. The December dismissals of two senior officials for reasons that remain unclear, Gambia Civil Aviation head Maimouna Taal and Armed Forces Chief of Staff Assan Sarr, added to the malaise. The GOTG's strained relationship with the private media was underscored by a mid-December incident in which police prevented journalists from staging a memorial ceremony at the site of the still-unsolved December 2004 murder of prominent newspaper owner Deyda Hydara. GOTG'S GESTURES TO THE OPPOSITION -------------- &
#x000A;¶3. (SBU) The subsequent months have witnessed some improvement in the Gambian political and human rights environments, highlighted by the GOTG's gestures to the opposition. Nigerian President Obasanjo's February 5-6 visit to mediate between Jammeh and the opposition proved successful (ref b). Obasanjo got Jammeh to agree to hold heretofore rare face-to-face discussions with NADD leaders that resulted in the agreement by Jammeh's ruling APRC party and NADD of a MOU setting forth a "code of good conduct" for the October 2006 Presidential election. Jammeh also took the occasion to announce that authorities would drop the charges against the indicted NADD trio, sparing them further prosecution. In the aftermath of Obasanjo's visit, Jammeh has mounted an unprecedented outreach effort toward the opposition, receiving various NADD and other opposition figures and, in his public statements, assuring his visitors of his good will and commitment to including the opposition in The Gambia's "nation building." REACHING OUT TO THE FORMER GOVERNMENT -------------- ¶4. (SBU) The GOTG leadership has also directed its outreach effort at former President Dawda Jawara, overthrown in Jammeh's 1994 coup. Absent from February 18 National Day events since his return from exile a few years ago, Jawara figured prominently in this year's activities. He was seated next to Jammeh on the reviewing stand at the National Day parade and at the state dinner. Along with opposition politicians, Jammeh has met in recent weeks with assorted former members of the Jawara government and appointed one, Lamin Kiti Jabang,.Ambassador to Saudi Arabia. REACTIONS TO JAMMEH'S GESTURES -------------- ¶5. (SBU) Our sources' reactions to the GOTG's moves are mixed; predictably, most opposition contacts react cautiously, welcoming Jammeh's gestures, but expressing varying degrees of doubt as to whether they represent a significant change in his attitude toward the opposition. Some anti-Jammeh diehards dismiss the outreach effort as a BANJUL 00000153 002.4 OF 002 temporary "charm offensive" designed to improve Jammeh's image with an eye to the AU Summit scheduled to be held here in early July. More neutral sources acknowledge the positive trend of late in Jammeh's actions, but are careful to add that the international community needs to keep the pressure on him in an effort to prevent backsliding. THE MEDIA ENVIRONMENT -------------- ¶6. (SBU) Signs that the year-end malaise is easing somewhat are evident in the media environment. In the aftermath of the Information Minister's February 14 give-and-take session with media reps (ref c),the country's independent journals, largely anti-government in orientation, enjoy greater access to senior GOTG officials. Meanwhile, the government-owned electronic media are providing increased coverage of the opposition, as reflected in publicity for a recent NADD rally in the evening television news broadcast and the national radio service's interview with a NADD leader. Indicative of the improved media environment, the privately owned paper, "The Point," recently expanded from thrice-weekly to daily publication. And, despite most privately owned journals' anti-government bent, they continue to receive ample advertising from GOTG agencies and state enterprises (e.g., project announcements, tenders, position vacancies, etc.) ¶7. (SBU) Of course, there remains ample room for improvement in the GOTG/media relationship. The Senegalese-owned SUD FM radio station, closed by authorities in Octoberr 2004, has yet to resume operation, despite persisting rumors that it will be allowed to do so. (NOTE: Per ref c, the Information Minister recently informed us that the GOTG was awaiting a written request from SUD FM to resume broadcasting. END NOTE.) While there have been no reports of late of GOTG's arrest or harassment of journalists, authorities' failure to date to bring anyone to account for the Hydara murder -- amidst persistent allegations of possible official involvement -- remains a source of grievance within the media community. CONCLUDING ASSESSMENT -------------- ¶8. (SBU) We see various factors behind Jammeh's forthcomingness of late. One is pressure from the international community, including the USG; the Millenium Challenge Account (MCA) program is an important source of leverage in this respect. Another is doubtless Jammeh's desire to improve his image in the run-up to the AU Summit. A third factor centers on the 2006-7 Presidential and National Assembly elections; our sense is that Jammeh's recent flurry of meetings with opposition and Jawara-era figures is aimed in part at wooing them for the APRC -- at a time of fragmentation in NADD. (Septel reports on NADD's fragmentation and on recent "defections" from the opposition to the APRC with de-facto election campaigning underway.) Against the backdrop of these factors, we believe it would be premature to join some of Jammeh's detractors in writing off his moves as nothing more than a temporary "charm offensive." However, we do believe that the extent of Jammeh's personal attachment to democratic norms is uncertain and that, hence, continued pressure on him on behalf of democratization and human rights is in order. A final point: the extent to which Jammeh's APRC party adheres to the MOU with the opposition on election-related conduct will serve as a test of his professed commitment to free and fair contests in 2006-7. STAFFORD

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