GANGS IN HONDURAS - MARA 18, MARA SALVATRUCHA, THE

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 04 TEGUCIGALPA 000261

SIPDIS

SENSITIVE

STATE FOR WHA, WHA/CEN, WHA/PPC, DRL/PHD, AND DS
STATE FOR INL, INL/LP, INR/I, INR/C, INR/AN/IAA, EB, AND CA
STATE PASS AID FOR LAC/CEN AND DCHA/DG/ROL
DEA FOR NTRM/BERGMANN
DOJ FOR NDIC/ORGANIZED CRIME AND VIOLENCE UNIT (LCASALE)

E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: KCRM PINR PGOV SNAR SOCI PHUM SMIG ASEC HO
SUBJECT: GANGS IN HONDURAS - MARA 18, MARA SALVATRUCHA, THE
"WAR TAX," AND CHALLENGES FOR GOH (C-CN4-00878)

REF: A. 04 TEGUCIGALPA 2874

B. 04 TEGUCIGALPA 2841

C. 04 STATE 227915

D. 04 TEGUCIGALPA 1843 AND PREVIOUS

E. 04 SAN SALVADOR 2232


1. (U) The following cable builds on previous Post reporting
on gangs with an eye on the differences and similarities
between the two major gangs (Mara 18 and Mara Salvatrucha),
the "war tax" gangs impose, and the challenges Honduras faces
in confronting gangs.

War on Gangs
--------------


2. (SBU) The National Program of Prevention, Rehabilitation,
and Reinsertion, an NGO specializing in gang activity,
reports that there are an estimated 489 separate gang groups
(cliques) in Honduras. Although most form part of the two
major gangs, the Mara Salvatrucha (MS) and the Mara Dieciocho
(Mara 18),there are a number of other organized crime groups
to which these smaller cliques belong. An open question is
whether all these groups are actively pursuing criminal
activities. While the police, led by Minister of Public
Security (MOPS) Oscar Alvarez, believe that there are
30-40,000 criminal gang members and 70,000 sympathizers
(indirectly connected with their activities),NGOs and other
humanitarian-based programs within and outside the country
paint a different picture. Save The Children UK, for
instance, has said that there are only 5,000 gang members who
actively participate in criminal activity, but agree that
there are many more who claim allegiance but do not
participate in criminal activities. (Comment: MOPS Alvarez
admitted that there might be as few as 3,000 hard-core
members in a recent meeting with a visiting U.S. official.
End Comment.)


3. (SBU) Post believes that the number lies somewhere in
between, but the great disparity between public and private
estimates raises doubts as to the veracity of public
information circulating regarding gangs and their activities.
Post believes that gangs in Honduras are growing, morphing,
diversifying, and becoming more powerful. The recent decline
in gang-related crime (notwithstanding the December 23, 2004,
bus massacre allegedly committed by MS - see ref A) is due in
part to the anti-gang law but is likely only a temporary and
unsustainable fix for the problem.


4. (U) Gang news floods the local newspapers and television
constantly, creating a continuous surge of public fear and
demand for hard-line government intervention. Social service
providers decry this demonization of the problem. However,
to be sure, it is a war. A number of facts support this
belief: 1) according to the Honduran government, from
January-October 2004, 1,165 gang members had been arrested
(with charges filed against 930 and charges dropped against
235) under the anti-gang law; 2) numerous police officers and
gang members have been killed in confrontations between the
two groups (reliable current statistics are not available),
3) 68 Mara 18 gang members were shot, beaten, or burned to
death at the El Porvenir prison outside of Ceiba in April
2003, 4) 107 Mara Salvatrucha gang members died in May 2004
in a fire in the San Pedro Sula prison, and 5) 28 people were
massacred on a bus in San Pedro Sula on December 23, 2004,
allegedly by the Mara Salvatrucha.

How the Gangs Operate/Organize
--------------


5. (U) To understand the gang phenomenon in Honduras, one
must first be familiar with some distinctions between the two
major gangs, Mara 18 and MS. Sources have reported that once
or twice a year high-level leaders will convene in San
Salvador or other Central American cities to hold meetings to
identify policies and goals, and plan missions. It appears
as if all the high-level decisions in Honduras emanate from
the major penitentiaries, where tattooed, hard-faced gang
warlords whisper orders to messengers outside the prison
walls. Recently, it was discovered that Mara 18 even has a
web page that explains the general gang philosophy and
recruitment process. Another example of Mara 18's
organizational reach is its push for representation in the
courts. A Honduran newspaper reported in late September 2004
that Mara 18 was allegedly sponsoring the education of 20 law
professionals in the National University of Honduras (UNAH),
who were apparently sympathizers of the gang.

Mara 18
--------------


6. (U) Mara 18 has managed to recruit a female contingent
into their ranks, which serves very specific roles in the
gang's business; jobs for which they are particularly
well-suited and camouflaged include the collection of "war
tax" (see below for details),according to interviews by
EmbOffs with former gang members in rehabilitation programs.
Women also find themselves exploited sexually within the
highly patriarchal and chauvinistic culture of Mara 18,
which, in comparison to Mara Salvatrucha, is more pronounced.
Mara 18 is by and large the more regimented, regulated, and
structured of the two gangs. The result of this structure is
a more efficient, though smaller, organization than the MS,
making them able to coordinate more complex missions with
higher stakes.


7. (U) In December 2004, for instance, Mara 18 was able to
infiltrate a public hospital and extract a wounded comrade
who had been captured the day before by police. Gang members
used disguises and a well-researched plan to carry out the
mission, killing two police officers in the process. Their
leader, "el Siniestro," who has been connected by police to
three other high-level killings, including the assassination
of a congressional primary candidate, was the alleged
mastermind of this plot. Despite close encounters, he has
managed to evade capture, often using well-timed pick-ups and
pre-designed escape routes. Post believes the organizational
potential of Mara 18 to be strong and growing stronger,
especially as a result of the new anti-gang law, which has
forced the gangs to adapt to a more clandestine,
military-like protocol.

Mara Salvatrucha
--------------


8. (U) Mara Salvatrucha, on the other hand, draws its
strength from different characteristics. On the whole, MS is
more flexible and spontaneous. One possible reason for their
greater numbers is their less stringent recruiting and
initiation processes. MS is composed of smaller, more mobile
groups that fall within a less rigid structure than Mara 18,
according to former MS members. In other words, there is
less bureaucracy. As a result of each clique's geographic
mobility and independence, they are far more prone to the
whims of each leader. For these reasons, MS has a greater
proclivity towards random violence and other unpredictable
actions (such as the bus massacre). However, Post notes that
major MS activities are still decided by incarcerated gang
leaders and, much like the Mara 18, MS utilizes female
sympathizers and gang members to run messages in between the
prison and respective gang territories throughout Honduras,
but principally in Tegucigalpa and San Pedro Sula.
Gang "Missions" and the War Tax
--------------


9. (U) Orders descend from the higher levels of the gang
hierarchy all the way to the bottom, where for the new
recruits, these orders convert into "missions," or daily
tasks. One such daily task for those at the bottom is the
collection of the "war tax." This represents one of the
biggest forms of gang revenue in Honduras. The tax is around
150-250 lempiras ($8-14) per day and is collected from taxis,
buses, convenience stores, pedestrians, delivery trucks, and
anyone or anything else that happens to be in or pass through
gang territory. Lamentably, gangs have even infiltrated
local public schools, where they collect the tax from young
schoolchildren with already scarce resources.


10. (U) For those who faithfully pay their daily gang toll,
the gangs theoretically offer security and well being. In
response to those that evade this "war tax," the gangs often
use death threats. Judging from the number of bus driver
murders, this is a serious threat. Each member of the gang
will work a particular area all day, collecting this tax and
noting violators. At the end of the day, the gang members
convene to count and store the proceeds. There are a couple
of variations to the collection of this tax. In some areas,
gangs force young boys who are not members of the gang to
collect the taxes on behalf of the gang. Boys are threatened
with death if they refuse this task. Female gang members are
also increasingly used as tax collectors. In a recent
investigation by a reporter, it was found that one gang
operated with a monthly budget of over 66,000 lempiras
($3,850) solely from tax collections, significant given the
relatively low cost of living in Honduras.

What is done with the money?
--------------


11. (U) Gangs use the money, first and foremost, to
facilitate their drug dealing. With larger budgets, gangs
are able to buy more drugs and sell more drugs. As a result,
both personal drug use and involvement in the drug trade has
drastically increased. The gangs also use the money to
sustain their fellow "homies" incarcerated in Honduras'
various jails. This transfer is facilitated by the many
gangs that operate near penitentiary walls, acting as
middlemen. In addition, the money is used to finance the
mobilization of gang members, either to go on missions
throughout Honduras or Central America or to promote the
spread of gang membership by moving to new, more rural areas,
a tactic that is contributing to increasing violence in rural
areas. Rural areas are relatively absent of police presence,
and thus particularly susceptible to being overtaken by gangs.

Gangs a Key Political Issue
--------------


12. (SBU) Comment: The war on gangs has become a key
political issue in the lead-up to the February 20 national
primary elections, particularly in the Nationalist Party
Presidential Race. The bus massacre, the MS' alleged
responsibility, and the GOH and Congress' rapid tough
response (including expedited consideration of pending penal
code reforms affecting gang-related crimes),appears to have
benefited President of Congress Porfirio "Pepe Lobo. Lobo,
who has long trailed Tegucigalpa Mayor Miguel Pastor, drew
even with Pastor in a January 28-29 private poll conducted
nationally by a reputable polling firm (septel). End Comment.
Palmer