CZECH CIVIC DEMOCRATS (ODS): RIGHT OF CENTER, LEFT

C O N F I D E N T I A L PRAGUE 001727 SIPDIS SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 12/15/2015 TAGS: PGOV PREL EZ SUBJECT: CZECH CIVIC DEMOCRATS (ODS): RIGHT OF CENTER, LEFT OUT OF GOVERNMENT AGAIN? REF: A. PRAGUE 1686 ¶B. PRAGUE 1699 Classified By: Pol-Econ Chief Mike Dodman for reasons 1.4 b+d ¶1. (SBU) SUMMARY. At the start of 2005, the Czech Republic's senior opposition party, the center-right Civic Democrats (ODS),had a comfortable lead in the polls. The party, as well as the public, assumed ODS would easily win next June's election and form a right-of-center government after eight years of governments led by the Social Democrats. However, the rebound of the Social Democrats' fortunes under PM Paroubek, combined with lackluster ODS performance under party leader Mirek Topolanek, mean that ODS is not likely to be in a position to form the next government. If current trends continue, the party could end up as the junior partner in grand coalition, or even spend four more years in the opposition. END SUMMARY ¶2. (SBU) A year ago the Civic Democrats (ODS) had a commanding lead over the Social Democrats (CSSD) in opinion polls: 34.5% to 12.5%. That has now disappeared. One poll released on December 1, 2005 put ODS ahead 26% to 24.5%; a second poll released December 7 showed ODS ahead 30% to 28%. CSSD Premier Jiri Paroubek, who only came into office this spring, is credited with turning his party's fortunes around, while ODS is charged with complacency. ODS now faces an uphill battle to gain momentum. The Czech economy is doing very well, with GDP growth expected to be over 5% (ref A), thus minimizing what could have been a strong platform for the pro-business ODS. Prime Minister Paroubek also makes excellent use of his incumbency to get his message into the media. He has an editorial in the papers, an interview on radio, or a spot on the TV newscast nearly every day. In contrast, Topolanek keeps a much lower profile, and frequently comes across as sniping and acerbic when he does appear in public. ¶3. (SBU) ODS is having difficulty explaining its policies and selling itself to the public. For example, public corruption is a salient topic and one on which CSSD is vulnerable. But ODS, because of excesses committed when it was in power in the early 1990,s during the period of what some consider "wild west privatization," and alleged ongoing corruption at the local level, is not in a position to make this an election issue. ODS is also playing the "dangers of communism" card every chance it gets, arguing that CSSD will form a government through some form of cooperation with the Communist Party (KSCM). Although the threat is real, this tactic, too, may prove unsuccessful. THE RED SCARE ¶4. (SBU) The ODS warnings about CSSD-KSCM cooperation are unlikely to succeed for a couple of reasons. First, they are increasingly falling on deaf ears. More and more Czechs accept the Communists as an unavoidable part of the political spectrum (ref B). Second, there is a note of hypocrisy in the ODS warning, since they themselves also cooperate with KSCM. ODS city councilmen share power with KSCM councilmen in 31 towns. (For comparison purposes, CSSD works with Communists in 45 towns.) More conspicuously, ODS co-founder, former chairman, and current Honorary Chairman, Vaclav Klaus, was elected president in 2003 with the help of the Communist Party. In other words, while an important part of the electorate would be receptive to an anti-communist message, ODS won't necessarily be the party to benefit from it. MAIN APPEAL STILL UNCLEAR ¶5. (SBU) In September, Senator Jiri Sneberger (ODS),who is in charge of the party's election campaign, told the Embassy that unemployment would be the main campaign theme. Yet at the party's annual congress November 26-27, unemployment was not even raised. ODS had previously made a 15% flat tax rate a cornerstone of its economic program, as a means to spur growth and investment. However CSSD, by successfully passing its own tax reduction plan earlier this year, has strongly undercut the appeal of the ODS plan, and it was not highlighted at the congress (although it has not been shelved). Surprisingly, the main initiative launched at the congress was a proposal to guarantee every citizen a minimum income, a plan that seems curiously leftist and out of place on the ODS platform. Sneberger, who has not seemed to be concerned that the party's programs are not catching on with the public, told the Embassy the real ODS campaign would not start until just four weeks before the election. ¶6. (SBU) The party's shadow foreign minister, Jan Zahradil, spent most of his speech at the recent party congress criticizing the EU, even though the majority of Czechs, and ODS voters, support the Union. (Paroubek has made support for further EU integration one of his conditions for any potential coalition between CSSD and ODS.) The corollary to the ODS skepticism about the EU is its unabashed support for the U.S. and transatlantic ties. At the ODS Congress a significant number of speakers mentioned the importance of good relations with the U.S., and admiration for Ronald Reagan. (COMMENT: Foreign policy is unlikely to play a leading role in the upcoming election, so the pro-U.S. stance is not likely to either help or hurt ODS, although the consensus view is that a staunch anti-EU message will hurt.) ¶7. (SBU) Until recently, ODS had been openly pursuing a policy of zero tolerance towards CSSD, refusing to support legislative initiatives put forward by the Social Democrats. (One notable exception was this month's foreign deployments bill, which ODS supported more strongly than any of the coalition parties, despite ODS concerns about the EU military mission in Bosnia.) The zero tolerance policy is causing divisions within the party, with one faction prepared to go along with bills that are compatible with party principles, and others who are reluctant to hand CSSD any successes. Similarly, Topolanek continues to rule out any post-election grand coalition, referring to those who publicly support this possibility as "trash." (Comment: Although Paroubek has recently toned down his rhetoric, he too has generally dismissed the idea of a grand coalition. We continue to see this as pre-election posturing, and expect that both of the leading parties will look closely at a grand coalition once election results are final.) LEADERSHIP TROUBLES AND DECLINING SUPPORT ¶8. (SBU) President Klaus was such a dominant figure as ODS Chairman that he overshadowed everyone else in the party. Under Topolanek, a number of younger politicians have emerged and the party has been able to put together a strong shadow cabinet. In this respect, ODS has a much stronger bench than CSSD, which has had difficulty finding suitable candidates after its frequent ministerial resignations. ¶9. (SBU) However, Klaus proved better than Topolanek at holding the party together. For example, ODS has a number of very competent, respected individuals in the governorships of 12 of the nation's 13 provinces. But some of them, such as Evzen Tosenovsky, the Governor of Moravia/Silesia, have publicly questioned Topolanek's leadership and electability. Topolanek has failed to capitalize on ODS success at the regional level, with most ODS governors telling us they do not intend to play an active role supporting ODS in the national campaign. ¶10. (SBU) Topolanek's popularity, as measured in the number of people who perceive him favorably in opinion polls, has dropped steadily from 48% at the beginning of the year to 39% in November. He is currently 9th in the rankings, four places behind Prague Mayor Pavel Bem, a party colleague. Some party insiders think Bem would have an easier time forming a grand coalition with Paroubek than would Topolanek. Bem has recently decided to seek another term as Prague Mayor, meaning the party's most popular politician won't even be running in next June's parliamentary contest. The party's second most popular politician is Petr Bendl, Governor of the Central Bohemian Region and Vice-Chair of the party. Bendl will run in the parliamentary election, though he will not give up his position as Governor until he sees how his party does in the elections, hardly a sign of confidence in the party's chances. At the party's November congress, a resolution was passed saying the party was firmly united under Topolanek's leadership. But some observers saw the need for such a declaration as confirmation of the discontent within the party. Still, it is widely accepted that with six months to go before the election, no change of party leader is likely. BLAME IT ON PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION ¶11. (SBU) To a certain extent, ODS's hopes lie with the success of its natural ally, the small Christian Democrats (KDU-CSL),or the possible entrance to parliament of a new fifth party, such as the European Democrats or the Greens, who have already said that they would be willing to join ODS in an anti-communist coalition. Based on current preferences, ODS and KDU-CSL alone would not have the seats to form a coalition. The problem with the fifth party scenario is that, with the exception of the Greens, the other handful of small extraparliamentary parties are right-of-center. If one of them succeeds, that party will almost certainly be an ally for ODS, and provide the seats needed to form a government with the Christian Democrats. But if none of the small parties get the needed 5%, they will only end up siphoning votes away from ODS. Most of the small parties are currently polling at less than 2%. ¶12. COMMENT. (C) There are still six months left before the election and much can change in the volatile world of Czech politics. However, based on today's polls and what we have seen to date of the campaign abilities of the leading parties, it does not look good for ODS. The party has been the opposition since 1998 (although it provided support for a minority CSSD government from 1998-2002 under the terms of the so-called opposition agreement). Another four years in the opposition will mean certain things for the party: certainly Topolanek will be forced from his position, but the party could even see itself split, as happened on several occasions during the 1990s. A more immediate concern for party founder Klaus is that the parliament selects the Czech president, meaning that Klaus could have trouble getting reelected in 2008 if ODS is in opposition. These support the consensus view that the most likely outcome next June is a CSSD-ODS grand coalition. This would be a government that essentially resembles the current left-right coalition and the previous opposition agreement, marked more by pragmatism and the preservation of power than by overriding principle. Of course it is possible to see several other scenarios where ODS does remain in opposition, including a minority CSSD government, or a coalition (like today's) of CSSD and all parties other than ODS and KSCM, or even the slim chance of an outright CSSD victory. The one thing that is hard to see today is a government that ODS leads. END COMMENT. CABANISS