JORDANIAN GOVERNMENT'S INTENTIONS TOWARD THE

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 AMMAN 001924 SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 03/09/2015 TAGS: PGOV PREL ASEC KMPI KISL IS JO SUBJECT: JORDANIAN GOVERNMENT'S INTENTIONS TOWARD THE PROFESSIONAL ASSOCIATIONS REF: A. AMMAN 1719 ¶B. AMMAN 1353 ¶C. AMMAN 571 Classified By: CHARGE D'AFFAIRES, A.I. DAVID HALE. REASON 1.4 (B) ¶1. (C) Summary. King Abdullah and Royal Court Minister al-Rifai have explained to Charge that the government's campaign against the professional associations is designed to ensure a fairer representation of their members and a transparent, legal distribution of their finances. These aims are to be accomplished through a draft bill presented to parliament last week and almost certain to pass into law. The intention is not to suppress these civil society institutions, but to take their leadership out of the hands of an extremist Islamist minority and into those of its professional members. Mindful that Jordan needs to accelerate its political reforms if it is to remain in the vanguard of advocates of regional transformation, the King will present a White Paper while in Washington outlining his intentions. End summary. ¶2. (C) The Jordanian government continues to keep the pressure on Jordan's rambunctious professional associations, which despite mandatory membership are dominated by the Muslim Brotherhood/Islamic Action Front. For the fourth time this year, on March 7 police prevented an illegal political rally/sit-in by the associations' council, which had failed to seek a permit. The Interior Ministry and Amman Municipality have made clear their intentions to prevent the associations from conducting illegal political activity. Meanwhile, the cabinet rushed through the bureaucratic hoops a new draft bill to govern these unions. It was introduced to parliament last week, and is expected to pass into law quickly despite Islamist opposition. ¶3. (C) As described by the King and his closest advisors, the new law is designed to address two key problems with the associations, as they see them: a) the associations have been taken hostage by vocal extremists whose elections are rigged and who do not represent the membership, and b) these same extremists control millions of dollars in un-audited members' dues, which the authorities say are used to promote the Islamists' national political activities ) a resource base unavailable to the Islamists' political competitors. Although government spokeswoman Asmat Khader recently explained to the press that the new law will introduce a "one man, one vote" formula in the unions, the union leaders have countered that this action amounts to government interference in the unions' internal affairs. Similarly, the law would deem the unions' dues to be "public monies" and therefore subject to government audit, but not control. Again, the unions cry foul. Islamist MPs accused the government of seeking to destroy the associations because of their stand against normalization of relations with Israel and support for armed resistance by Iraqis and Palestinians. ¶4. (C) Comment: During the decades-long ban on political parties, the professional associations became surrogate channels for political debate and activism. Even after the restoration of parliament in 1989 and the legalization of political parties, the Islamist-tinged political activists who had taken charge of the associations were loathe to give up the ready-made platforms for attention, and non-transparent vehicles for patronage and financing, which the unions provide. Their persistence as an organized political force is one of many factors retarding the evolution of strong political parties as alternatives. This behavior has also frustrated many rank and file among the professions, who would like to see their union leaders doing more to help promote the welfare of the members and their guilds and less grandstanding on an anti-U.S. and anti-Israel agenda (broadly popular as those positions are). However, as those issues are sacrosanct in popular discourse, disgruntled members ) who must pay dues in any event to practice their professions ) simply remain silent. The King and his team believe the new law ) and additional, broader reforms to come ) will give voice to a stability-oriented "silent majority" in the country while turning the association back into the hands of those with professional concerns. ¶5. (C) There are a number of key difficulties, however. One is the perception that the campaign to rein in the unions is motivated by a desire to silence the most potent critics of the government (and by inference, the King) and its policies of association with U.S. strategic objectives. Second is the fact that the recent commissions designed to develop plans for broadening and deepening political participation in Jordan will operate for some months in secret, as their task is to provide recommendations to the King who will then announce his intentions. So instead of maintaining a momentum of reform, at the public level Jordan will appear only to be imposing new restrictions. Third, Jordan's perceived, momentary caution is juxtaposed against images (and the reality) of change in Lebanon, Iraq, among Palestinians, and even Saudi Arabia. The King is mindful of the need to accelerate the political process to maintain his credentials as a leading Arab reformist. In Washington next week, he will present a White Paper outlining achievements Jordan has made and plans for the future, including unveiling a new election and political parties law later in 2005. A "reform road show" will follow, with the improbable combination of Deputy PM Marwan Muasher (the cabinet's leading reformist) and Senate President Zaid al-Rifai (elder statesman and a brake on the pace of change). The road show will tell G-8 audiences what is in store for Jordan's political reform agenda. These are sensible and needed steps, but the Jordanian government should do as much to address skeptics at home as it is doing abroad. HALE