Identifier | Created | Classification | Origin |
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04SANTODOMINGO147 | 2004-01-08 21:45:00 | UNCLASSIFIED//FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY | Embassy Santo Domingo |
1. Following is no. 13 in our series on the Dominican presidential elections. NEW FEINT: PROPOSAL FOR AMENDMENTS WITH THE LAW OF "SLOGANS" "We are steeped to the marrow in impulsiveness, always reacting to immediate circumstances, the reason that we are dogged by terrible evil of superficiality -- the perpetual source of preventable mistakes." -- Listin Diario editorial, January 8: "ASI SOMOS" PRD Henry Sarraff may or may not have been well-intentioned when he put his "Law of Slogans" (Ley de Lemas) into the legislative hopper on January 2, but he certainly gave a new energy to discussion of the blockages in the major parties. In brief, his solution to the leadership crises in the ruling Revolutionary Democratic Party (PRD) and in the Revolutionary Social Christian Party (PRSC) is to move the party primary process to election day. Sarraff would allow each recognized party to field up to five tickets -- president plus vice president -- and would declare victory for the leading ticket of the leading party. The "slogans" tag is shorthand for the two-step choice of the voter: first, for a party (with its "slogan") and then for a faction of that party (with its own, subordinated "slogan"). Saraff argues in a letter to the Ambassador that the process is similar to that used for the election of the Dominican Congress in 2002, in which representives of the provinces were chosen from prioritized political party lists in proportion to the percentages of the total vote. Saraff calls this the "Uruguay model," without noting it was used there in 1939 (and has since been abandoned). Sarraff's suggestion for dealing with the breakdown of the party primary process appeals greatly to the three PRD pre-candidates (VP Ortiz-Bosch, Rafael Subervi and Emmanuel Esquea) who decided, finally, not to run against incumbent President Hipolito Mejia in the PRD national party vote now set for January 18. They had previously sought an arrangement whereby they could mutually pledge votes to the leader amongst the three, in hopes of overcoming Mejia on his own ground. Saraff's proposed modifications of the electoral law would give each of them a (long-shot) opportunity to try to outperform Mejia on election day and thereby take both the PRD and the presidency away from him. They would be betting that an unsplintered PRD would be likely to outpoll the PLD, no matter how attractive the current prospects of PLD candidate Leonel Fernandez. Everyone in town has something to say about this one, which suggests to us that many are apprehensive that this very late, very ornate, and PRD-slanted initiative might actually get voted through by the heavy PRD majority in the Congress. Technically, the current extension of the legislative session expires on January 12 and is charged only with considering legislation relating to the budget and the IMF program. House of Representatives President Pacheco commented tight-lipped that legislators would "study" the proposal. If the Congress doesn't act quickly, the only recourse would be to get Mejia to call a special session or to wait until the February 27 regular session. Mejia, at first apparently interested in the Saraff initiative, subsequently backed away from it, telling journalists, "This is no creature of ours." Leonel Fernandez initially dissmissed the proposal as "sloppy thinking," but as clamor increased, on Janauary 7 he sent PLD chiefs to ask the coordinator of the civil-society "Elections Monitoring Commission" Msgr Agripino Nunez to convene a public debate on the proposal. Nunez had just received Peggy Cabral, widow of PRD leader Jose Pena Gomez and organizer of the "official" PRD party vote. Cabral had earlier received the three PRD pre-candidates in her home for a lengthy, inconclusive session. She called on Nunez in her personal capacity, not as the PRD organizer. The monsignor told the press he was sorry that Peggy Cabral, "she, of all persons, has to get involved in this difficult business." That evening Mejia received the three PRD pre-candidates for a discussion, but no one reported any progress. As he left, Subervi repeated that he and Mejia's other rivals would not be participating in the January 18 vote. Secretary of Culture Tony Rahul, organizer of the postponed SIPDIS December 18 PRD convention, wrote an op-ed piece in Listin Diario advocating the "Ley de Lemas." The leading business organization CONEP opposes it. Rebel PRD party president Hatuey Descamps called the proposal "a joke, at a well-chosen moment." PRSC presidential candidate Eduardo Estrella is against the idea, and his supporters called for action against it. Estrella's frustrated rival Jacinto Peynado, still in hospital in Miami, was cautiously non-committal in response to a journalist's phone call. Would it be constitutional? President of the well respected NGO "Foundation for Institutionalism and Justice" (FINJUS) Jose Rizek maintains that the idea would contravene the Constitution's specific directive that the president and vice-president are elected by a "direct vote"; if the law is passed, FINJUS will petition the Supreme Court for an interpretation. The "Ley de Lemas" may be part of the silly season, but it's not beyond imagination that politicians feeling themselves unbound by traditions or institutions might set off to pursue Saraff's beguiling slogans. In the midst of this confusion, one deeply involved politician spoke up with decorum and elegance. On the occasion of the ceremonial New Year's greetings to the administration, January 6, Vice President Milagros Ortiz-Bosch responded to a journalist's question about these PRD tractations by apologizing to all Dominicans "for all the pain and uncertainties that we have caused during this long year, a year also of both economic and financial difficulties." 2. Drafted by Michael Meigs. MARSHALL |