Identifier
Created
Classification
Origin
10RPODUBAI25
2010-02-01 14:17:00
CONFIDENTIAL
Iran RPO Dubai
Cable title:  

IRAN: COMMODITY TRADER SAYS SANCTIONS GOOD FOR BUSINESS

Tags:  PGOV IR ECON 
pdf how-to read a cable
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FM IRAN RPO DUBAI
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 0060
INFO IRAN COLLECTIVE IMMEDIATE
RHEHNSC/WHITE HOUSE NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL WASHINGTON DC IMMEDIATE
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHINGTON DC IMMEDIATE
RUEHAD/AMEMBASSY ABU DHABI IMMEDIATE
RUEIDN/DNI WASHINGTON DC IMMEDIATE
RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHINGTON DC IMMEDIATE
RUMICEA/USCENTCOM INTEL CEN MACDILL AFB FL IMMEDIATE
RUEATRS/DEPT OF TREASURY WASHINGTON DC
RUEHDE/AMCONSUL DUBAI
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 RPO DUBAI 000025 

SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 2020/02/01
TAGS: PGOV IR ECON
SUBJECT: IRAN: COMMODITY TRADER SAYS SANCTIONS GOOD FOR BUSINESS

CLASSIFIED BY: Charles Pennypacker, Consular Officer, DOS, IRPO;
REASON: 1.4(B),(D)

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 RPO DUBAI 000025

SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 2020/02/01
TAGS: PGOV IR ECON
SUBJECT: IRAN: COMMODITY TRADER SAYS SANCTIONS GOOD FOR BUSINESS

CLASSIFIED BY: Charles Pennypacker, Consular Officer, DOS, IRPO;
REASON: 1.4(B),(D)


1. (C) SUMMARY: A Dubai-based plastics commodity trader contends
that sanctions related to financing trade make doing business with
Iran more lucrative, as Iranian importers are used to paying a
premium to skirt them, and Iranian exporters (state-owned) prefer
to sell plastic on the international market (instead of to domestic
buyers) as a means to earn foreign exchange. As a result, he earns
a profit from both Iranian importers and exporters. Banking
sanctions have forced changes in how he settles accounts, but trade
in commodities like industrial plastic, with numerous international
buyers and sellers in a single transaction, make sanctions
difficult to enforce. As such, our contact believes that further
sanctions will no doubt make it more expensive for Iranians to
conduct trade but will not deter business with Iran. To the
contrary, they will give him reason to increase his margins. END
SUMMARY.

IRANIAN IMPORTERS


2. (C) EconOff recently met with a Dubai-based plastics commodity
trader who over the past several years has established a network or
international buyers and sellers of industrial plastics. Our
trader contact started selling plastic into Iran five years ago and
has been surprised by the large number of Iranian buyers. Buyers
represent a broad swath of manufacturers seeking various types of
plastic polymer inputs for a diverse set of plastic products; many
more manufacturers than he expected, he said. He claims an
additional reason that the market for plastics imports is so large
is due to manufacturers' preference for international instead of
domestically produced plastic polymer. They often prefer
higher-cost imported to lower-quality domestically produced plastic
polymers, making Iran a net importer of plastics, according to our
contact. Additionally, he argued, a good amount of the plastic
manufacturing in Iran is delivered on an inconsistent schedule by
inefficient state-owned enterprises making it an unreliable source
for many manufacturing processes.

IRANIAN EXPORTERS


3. (C) Considering the low cost of energy in Iran, our contact said
he initially thought Iranian producers of plastic polymers would be

a very viable source for domestic manufacturers even with an
inconsistent production schedule and sometimes inferior product.
Instead, he discovered Iran's domestic, state-owned plastic
producers (as a result of government policy) prefer to dump their
product at cheap prices on the international market rather than
sell to internal buyers as a way to build foreign reserves and cope
with international sanctions. Asked about how exporters can
justify exporting instead of selling to domestic buyers given the
additional cost of shipping product overseas, our contact replied
that the transportation cost to Iranian producers was nominal
because so many imports came into Iran and vessels often leave
empty. For our contact, the volume of business from Iranian
plastics' producers generated unexpected revenue and he is making a
profit from the flow of plastics in and out of the country.

HOW A DEAL GETS DONE


4. (C) Through the forty years his family has been doing business
in Dubai, government regulations that have improved the business
climate here are the same ones that improve his ability to do
business with Iran. For example, our contact said three years ago
he kept bank accounts at the Dubai branches of Bank Sedarat and
Bank Melli in order to make sure that when he presented a letter of
credit from one of these banks, he would be paid the same day (as
funds would only transfer from one account to another within the
same bank). Last year, the Central Bank of the UAE circulated a
new regulation that requires payment within twenty-four hours
between banks in the UAE. As a result, he can take a Bank Melli
letter of credit from an Iranian customer and present it at his
local bank (e.g. Dubai Bank) and receives the funds within 24
hours. (COMMENT: Our contact did note that Iranian buyers concerned
about where sanctions are headed and cognizant of increased
scrutiny by UAE authorities have started to pay in cash in advance
of a shipment, a great deal for the trader but creating an
additional risk and cost for the buyer. END COMMENT.)

HOW SANCTIONS HELP NET HIGHER MARGINS


5. (C) Our contact claims to have seen large amounts of

DUBAI 00000025 002 OF 002


American-made plastics and chemicals at the Bandar Abbas port on
his visit to Iran but he claimed he had distanced himself from
trading in American goods with Iran. When asked how such trade
occurs given the sanctions in place, our contact argued that in the
trade of commodities, sanctions enforcement is difficult for
regulators to enforce. Unlike other manufactured goods, commodity
trading does not require the seller to have an end point for
delivery. With numerous buyers and sellers along the way there is
little government authorities can do to determine a commodity's
final end point, he argued.


6. (C) As a result, commodities like industrial plastic will not
move directly from the point of origin to Iran but may pass through
several hands first. Physically, the products will transit only
once through a place like Dubai. The numerous transactions and
physical stopovers make the purchase price more expensive for
Iranian buyers, but this is something "they are used to" he argued.
This means that he is also often able to collect a higher margin
even though he is not facilitating trade of American plastics. For
example, on a "back-to-back" sale where he sells to another buyer
who will deliver Saudi-produced plastic polymer to Iran, he will
earn a 4.5 percent margin for profit. If he delivers the goods
directly to the Iranian importer, he will look to earn a 10 percent
profit on the transport cost. Iranian buyers rarely question these
substantial transport costs. He discussed a current contract in
which he was moving a large volume of polyvinyl chloride (PVC) from
Taiwan to Iran. The cost of transiting the product through Dubai
and then onto to Iran would add an additional USD 5 cost per metric
ton; having the product imported to Dubai, inspected, and then
re-packaged to Iran would add USD 25 per metric ton. If the
Taiwanese company agreed to include Bandar Abbas as the final point
(negating the USD 25 per metric ton Dubai customs charge),he would
still pass that charge onto his Iranian customer.


7. (C) COMMENT: As our contact's business transactions demonstrate,
evading sanctions on trade finance is costly for Iranian buyers and
profitable for those willing to facilitate it. The same applies to
Iranian sellers who are willing to lose a bit of profit in order to
earn foreign exchange. In a more efficient and non-sanctioned
economy, Iranian buyers and sellers would be more likely to trade
with each other. In the absence of one, Iranian importers and
exporters seem willing to bear the costs and conduct business in a
manner that weakens their own economy and passes the higher cost to
domestic consumers. END COMMENT.
EYRE