Chiapas: Mexico's Vulnerable Underbelly

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 06 MEXICO 000069

SENSITIVE
SIPDIS
NOFORN

E.O. 12958: DECL: 2020/01/22
TAGS: SMIG PHUM EINV ECON GT MX
SUBJECT: Chiapas: Mexico's Vulnerable Underbelly

REF: 09MEXICO2642

CLASSIFIED BY: Gustavo Delgado, Minister Counselor, Department of
State, POL; REASON: 1.4(B),(D)


1. (SBU) Summary. Both critics and supporters of Chiapan
developmental policies agree that the Mexican government (GOM) and
the USG should dedicate more attention and resources to the
southern border. The poorest state in Mexico, Chiapas is plagued
with economic problems that are further complicated by the rise of
organized crime, a vulnerable border with Guatemala, and alleged
human rights abuses of indigenous and migrant populations. Chiapan
officials proclaim that economic and social development are
priorities, though some in the NGO community remain wary of the
state government's underlying objectives. End summary.





Geo-Political Landscape




2. (U) Chiapas, Mexico's southernmost state, shares a 650
kilometer border with Guatemala. As the poorest Mexican state,
Chiapas suffers from the second highest rate of malnutrition in the
country, estimated to affect more than 40% of the population.
Chiapas also has one of the largest and most diverse indigenous
populations with approximately one million indigenous language
speakers over the age of five, accounting for 27% of the state's
population. About one quarter of the population is of full or
predominant Mayan descent, and in rural areas, many do not speak
Spanish. The poverty affecting the marginalized lower classes -
largely made up of indigenous groups - contributed to the Zapatista
uprising in 1994 and the creation of other insurgent groups seeking
political and economic autonomy. The increasing presence of Central
American gangs known as "Maras," illegal immigration from Central
America, and the rise of organized crime further burden this
already strained state.




3. (SBU) Juan JosC) Sabines Guerrero became the governor of
Chiapas in 2006. Originally a member of the Institutional
Revolutionary Party (PRI),Sabines joined and became a candidate of
the Democratic Revolutionary Party (PRD) after the PRI denied him
the party's candidacy for governor. Politically speaking, Chiapas
is largely a PRI and PRD stronghold with seven PRI and five PRD
federal deputies. The three Chiapan senators are from the PRI, PRD,
and the Green Party (PVM).









Rural Cities on the Rise




4. (SBU) One of the biggest challenges for the Chiapan
government in addressing poverty is reaching the thousands of
secluded, indigenous communities throughout the state. Many of
Chiapas' delays in development are due in large part to the
marginalization of indigenous people and the inaccessibility of

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their communities. For example, Chiapas has over 5,000 communities
with less than 700 inhabitants. Without access to these
communities, it is difficult for the government to provide schools
and other services where they are needed most. To address this
dilemma, the governor has created rural cities, a concept
originally developed by the World Bank and International Monetary
Fund, to help rural indigenous communities develop by bringing
social services programs and attracting investment to impoverished
areas. The Chiapan government plans to relocate 31,050 people who
currently live in communities far from state resources and
infrastructure with a view to restructuring the rural economy and
combating the demographic dispersion of Chiapas' population. In
2008 the Chiapan government constructed eight rural cities, hoping
to reach a total of 25 during the six-year mandate of Governor
Sabines. PolOff spoke to members of the indigenous community as
well as representatives from NGOs based in San Cristobal de las
Casas, Chiapas who criticized the government's efforts in this
area, arguing that bringing together different indigenous
communities can be problematic, as those forced off their land to
join other indigenous communities resent having to leave their
homes for the sake of creating a rural city. Often, they are asked
to leave their communities to provide space for investors looking
to buy the land. Several researchers and members of civil society
argue that rural cities are designed to fulfill counterinsurgency
and social control functions instead of alleviating poverty.



Economic Development Projects




5. (SBU) PolOff met with the Secretary of the Chiapan
Economics Secretariat, Maria del Rosario de Fatima Pariente Gavio,
and Undersecretary Claudia de los Angeles Trujillio Rincon, to
discuss economic challenges in the region. According to Rincon,
Chiapas is not severely affected by the global economic crisis, as
foreign investment in Chiapas has continued to rise. WalMart, for
example, has opened 17 stores throughout the state in the last
three years, creating a significant number of jobs. The government
also supports microenterprise and has created business programs
such as "Mi Tienda," (My Store) and "Mi Tortilla" (My Tortilla),
which help small-time producers increase their productive capacity
and competitiveness. Recognizing the value of indigenous artisan
work in the region, the Secretariat is working to create an
international brand called "Chiapas Original" which it plans to use
to sell Chiapas-made indigenous handicrafts globally. The
government views this project as part of a development strategy
that will help indigenous communities sell their products to
customers worldwide, though some in the indigenous community are
skeptical as to whether they will benefit from such a program,
believing the government will retain the majority of the profit.








6. (C) One of the government's most controversial development
projects is the creation of a road between San Cristobal de las
Casas in the north-central part of the state and the popular
tourist destination of Palenque near the Guatemalan border. PolOff
met with Diego Cadenas Gordillo, Director of the local NGO Human
Rights Center Fray Bartolome de las Casas (FrayBa),in San
Cristobal de las Casas. He maintained that the road would cut

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through the lands of indigenous groups that live in the highlands
of the city of Comitan in the center of the state and around San
Cristobal. The indigenous groups affected insist they were not
consulted in the decision-making process, and as of yet, have not
received compensation for their land.



Southern Crossing Not Quite a 21st Century Border




7. (SBU) The southern border remains highly porous with
illegal immigrants crossing from Guatemala into Chiapas on a daily
basis. PolOff met with Jorge Humberto Yzar Dominguez, head of the
National Institute of Migration (INAMI) in Tapachula, Chiapas late
last year to discuss migratory trends and security concerns.
Tapachula, a border town in southwestern Chiapas, is a principal
point of entry for people crossing into Mexico from Guatemala.
Those crossing legally tend to be seasonal local and regional
laborers from Central America. According to Yzar, Immigrants
detained after crossing the border illegally are mostly Guatemalan.
The rest are either from Honduras, El Salvador, and Nicaragua, or
from Cuba, Eritrea, Mali, Ethiopia, and occasionally from China,
Russia, and Iraq. INAMI officials reported seeing a decrease in the
flow of migrants crossing the border into Tapachula following
Hurricane Stan in 2005. The storm destroyed a significant part of
the train track leading from Tapachula to the northern part of the
state, making it more difficult for migrants to make their way
north.




8. (SBU) Mexican immigration and customs officials find it
difficult to monitor the expansive border between Chiapas and
Guatemala. During her visit, PolOff toured three border points of
entry: Ciudad Hidalgo I, Ciudad Hidalgo II, and Talisman. Ciudad
Hidalgo I is largely a pedestrian crossing, though some passenger
vehicles cross as well. This point consists of one bridge over the
Suchiate River that separates the Mexican municipality of Suchiate
from the Guatemalan border town of Tecun Uman. Along both sides of
the bridge, PolOff could see at least 50 people crossing the
Suchiate River illegally into Mexico. PolOff asked the INAMI
officials why these people were not apprehended when they could
clearly be seen from the immigration post. INAMI officials conceded
that there was little INAMI agents could do because they were not
armed and, thus, not in a position to confront any possible
aggressors. Mexican Customs officers are armed, but only a few work
at Ciudad Hidalgo, and more could not be spared to monitor the
illegal entry points. INAMI officials explained, however, that
several check points are located throughout the state of Chiapas
and that even if the immigrants get through the first check point
on the border, they will likely encounter others as they make their
way north. PolOff drove north through Chiapas and encountered three
of these checkpoints exiting Tapachula on the main road north to
Tuxtla-Gutierrez, but did not observe the Customs officers on duty
checking vehicles as they passed through.




9. (SBU) In a meeting with Javier Morales Aguilar, director of
Aduanas (Mexican Customs) in Tapachula, Morales conveyed his
concern about the low number of Aduanas personnel on the southern
border. Aduanas only has 130 employees to patrol 11 points of entry
over the 650 kilometer southern border. Per reftel, 49 out of 100
of Morales' Customs agents were replaced after failing the vetting

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process late last year. The vetting process involves financial and
criminal background checks as well as polygraph exams - most agents
failed the polygraph. Morales conceded that it is taking some time
to train the new agents, leaving him with less than 100 trained
customs officers. The majority of his agents are located on the
three main points of entry, Ciudad Hidalgo I and II and Talisman.
He has a few agents in some of the more difficult points of entry
but is unable to communicate with them on a daily basis. Morales
told PolOff that the agents are equipped with cellular phones, and
that communicating with the agents - some of whom are located in
the jungle on the Chiapas/Guatemala border - is difficult due to
unreliable phone lines and bad reception.




10. (C) Chiapas State Police (SSP) Jose Luis Solis Cortes
expressed his frustration at both the Mexican and U.S. Governments'
lack of interest in the southern border. According to Cortes, a
significant flow of Russian, Chinese, and Korean arms cross the
southern border into Mexico from Guatemala and El Salvador.
Although the Chiapas SSP has met with several U.S. law enforcement
agencies, including the Alcohol Tobacco and Firearms Agency (ATF)
and the Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA),Cortes feels that there
needs to be more shared intelligence and collaboration between the
two countries to stem the flow of illegal arms and drugs across the
border. Cortes articulated the need for a more permanent U.S.
intelligence, ATF, or DEA presence in Chiapas and requested U.S.
training for his police forces in weapons identification, akin to
that offered to the Federal Police (AFI) and other law enforcement
agencies such as Aduanas and INAMI. PolOff asked Cortes about the
possibility of organized crime groups, such as the Zetas,
infiltrating indigenous communities in Chiapas. Cortes said that he
did not believe the indigenous communities of Chiapas were involved
in organized crime, though he admitted that armed groups would find
it easy to hide within indigenous territories because of their
remote locations.




11. (SBU)The Chiapas Secretariat for the Southern Border (SFS)
has been in existence for about a year and deals solely with
migrant issues while coordinating activities with all agencies that
come into contact with migrants, including the SSP, the Attorney
General's Office (PJE),the Department of Health, and INAMI, among
others. Its director, Andrea Hernandez Fitzner, agrees with INAMI
officials that fewer migrants cross the Southern border, possibly
due to the drop in coffee prices leading to a decreased need for
migrant workers. Fitzner stressed that migrants in Chiapas confront
serious security threats on a daily basis. Trafficking networks or
organized crime groups such as the Zetas or Maras often beat, rob,
or kidnap migrants as they make their way north. Fitzner urged that
both the USG and GOM remain alert to the increase of young recruits
from El Salvador who align themselves with the Zetas in Chiapas.











NGOs Raise Concerns on Human Rights Abuses and Organized Crime

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12. (SBU) Father Flor Maria Rigoni, a priest from the order of the
Scalabrinians and Director of Casa del Migrante, a migrant
shelter in Tapachula, Chiapas told PolOff that the majority of
migrants seeking shelter come from Central America, though in the
last year Father Flor also provided shelter to approximately 50
Iraqi families and a handful of immigrants from Bangladesh,
Nepal, and the Horn of Africa. Father Flor recounted that
until recently, military and police violence against migrants was
prevalent, but that incidents of abuse had decreased by
at least 80% since the deployment of a new army general to the
region earlier this year. There has also been a decrease in police
abuse against migrants.




13. (C) According to Father Flor and information received from
migrants he encounters on a daily basis, the Zetas and
other organized crime groups involved in the trafficking of
arms, drugs, and people, are seeking control of southern migratory
routes. Father Flor believed that the human trafficking
problem, particularly the trafficking of women and
girls, was increasingly a problem on the southern border and warned
of society's desensitization to its ills. As a result of his
work with trafficking victims and his public posture against
organized crime groups involved in human trafficking, Father Flor
felt he was a target for both organized crime groups and
corrupt officials within the local government. In recent
months, he had seen unmarked vehicles driving back and forth in
front of his shelter and had received anonymous and intimidating
phone calls. Although he reports what he sees and hears to local
authorities, they are not responsive. While he would not divulge
their names, Father Flor told PolOff that during conversations with
both state and federal government officials, he was told to "back
off" his efforts to denounce organized crime and to focus
more on the humanitarian aspects of his work.




14. (C) Father Flor suspected that organized crime groups had
continued to infiltrate the Chiapan government. He believed
that the stain left by the corrupt former Chiapas attorney
general and drug czar Mariano Herran Salvatti was still present at
high levels of the state government. Father Flor
requested that the U.S. increase its focus on the southern
border and called for a more permanent U.S. presence in Chiapas for
law enforcement purposes. Gordillo of FrayBa also agreed
that in the last couple of years, organized crime groups had
become more entrenched in Chiapas, particularly on the
southern border. In 2006, Gordillo's contacts in La Selva, the
southeastern region of Chiapas, reported seeing what they
believed to be GOM - marked planes land at the border with drug
shipments. Some of the indigenous people Gordillo worked with
were paid by the narcotraffickers - said to be part of the Sinaloa
cartel - to unload the shipments. The indigenous workers
told Gordillo that both Customs and military officials
stationed there received $150,000 Mexican pesos for each plane that
landed and was unloaded. Gordillo said he provided this
information to CISEN (Mexican intelligence),but was told
to "forget about it." With a military base a few kilometers
away from where the planes landed and unloaded, Gordillo found it
hard to believe that some government officials were not
complicit in the cartel's activities.

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15. (SBU) Gordillo also expressed concern about two on-going human
rights cases in Chiapas. In the case of Acteal (Note. The
Acteal Massacre occurred in December 1997 when 45
indigenous peasants were murdered. End Note.),87 people were
arrested for their role in the massacre, 20 of whom were set
free on August 13, 2009 due to technical irregularities
and administrative errors committed by Mexican prosecutors
who handled the case. FrayBa is pressuring the GOM to prevent the
release of an additional 35 suspects identified as having
played a role in the event. According to Gordillo,
while there may have been administrative errors, many of the
individuals set free either confessed to having committed
the crime or were identified in line- ups by the survivors of
the massacre who in many cases were family members or
long-time acquaintances of the aggressors. FrayBa feared
that those released may seek revenge against the survivors
of Acteal, many of whom testified against the suspects in court.
Gordillo also pointed to the case of political prisoner and
community organizer Jose Manuel Hernandez Martinez ("Don
Chema") who was unexpectedly transferred from a prison in
Chiapas to a maximum-security prison in Tepic, Nayarit in
October. Martinez was arrested in September by agents from the
PGR and the Chiapas PJE for allegedly being a member of
the Popular Revolutionary Army (EPR),a clandestine and armed
insurgent organization. According to Gordillo, however, the GOM had
not presented any formal accusation or proof that Martinez
was part of the EPR.




16. (C) Many NGOs in Chiapas said they felt increasingly
threatened by the GOM. Both FrayBa and the San Cristobal
based NGO SiPaz accuse the GOM of harassing effective
community org anizers - most of whom practice unarmed and
non-violent resistance - and accused them of belonging to
the EPR. In recent months, GOM officials accused FrayBa
of inciting violence among indigenous communities in preparation
for the Mexican Bicentennial. Gordillo rejected this accusation
stating that FrayBa and the Roman Catholic Diocese of San
Cristobal promote peace and justice and do not encourage others
to take violent action against the government. Gordillo noted,
however, that some left-winged armed groups like the
EPR would likely take some violent action against the GOM in 2010.




17. (SBU) Comment. A vulnerable border, the rise of organized
crime, extreme poverty, and dissatisfaction of indigenous
communities are problems that will continue to impact the
social and economic development of Mexico's poorest state. It
appears the governor is making efforts to address some of these
problems, but Chiapan citizens are not optimistic about
prospects for improvement. Their distrust of the government,
particularly at the state level, is based largely on a history of
previous corrupt and ineffective local officials. Both the
citizens of Chiapas and state government officials, however,
agree that the GOM and USG need to dedicate more attention and
resources to the southern border to overcome the security,
social, and economic challenges affecting the region. End
Comment.
FEELEY